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JANUARY 2025
by Prof Dr Melha Rout Biel
Abstract
Slavery is just one major injustice Africa has suffered in its history. The jostling for Africa’s resources by powerful European countries in the late 19th century was also a harbinger of a dark time of exploitation and the destruction of the continent’s social fabric. During the Cold War, Western and European powers again put Africa in a precarious position, having to choose sides. And it seems the continent may be at the centre of a new “Scramble for Africa” – this time, with the emerging powers of China and the United States leading the fight. As a result of all this disempowerment, there have been several military coups on the continent and many African countries are drowning in debt, despite being rich nations in terms of natural resources.
Africa has huge economic potential. However, this opportunity depends on peace, security and stable governance and peaceful transfers of power. The continent must present as a united front, advocating for decoloniality, to gain back its rightful share of power and resources. Already, this can be seen in its mutually beneficial relationship with China, who has shown Africa goodwill with a major investment plan that is boosting various areas of development. Africa and its friends need to work hand in hand, using common interests to ensure that peace and security returns throughout Africa and beyond. This will not only bring wealth to the continent and help fight its colonially inherited issues of unemployment, corruption, underdevelopment and youth migration, but it will also enrich its allies from around the globe.
Introduction
The African continent has faced a number of challenges – such as exploitation of natural resources, slavery of the highest degree and destruction of social cohesion – over the last few hundred years.
Even after the independence of its fifty-four countries between the 1960s and 1970s, the continent is still politically, economically and socially dependent on external powers.
With the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 came the division of the African continent between the European powers – who were much more interested in the wealth and manpower the continent had to offer than in the people who occupied it. This division process is sometimes referred to as the “Scramble for Africa”, which was the beginning of a very dark period for Africa and its people. During this scramble for wealth and power, new boarders were created, and notable African names of states or towns were replaced with new names to suit the new reality on the ground. Foreign languages, such as English, France, and Spanish, were forcefully introduced to the African society. Today, most of the African scholars – with the exception of those from Ethiopia – write their research in one of the above languages.
During the Cold War era, African states and society were forced to align themselves with either the Western powers or with the Soviet Union. This phenomenon is still on course in the post-Cold War era. Today, there is a new development in Africa that could be referred to as the return of the Scramble for Africa, which, if not handled well, could result in the continent once again becoming a battleground between traditional and emerging powers. There have been military takeovers in five countries in West and Central Africa, one after another, in less than two years, executed by junior military officers. It is not clear whether these military officers are being used by external powers to disrupt the current climate on the continent or not; only time will tell.
Many African countries are in over their heads in debt. Some simply cannot afford to pay back what they borrowed from foreign funders, despite being the richest nations in Africa in terms of natural resources such as oil. It is not clear how this situation will be dealt with in the coming years. In some cases, the countries will end up with occupation of some of their key infrastructures, such as airports, or important mineral producing sectors.
According to Professor Lauren A. Johnson, Africa has a “peace deficit, development deficit, security deficit and governance deficit. Therefore, human society in general and in Africa in particular is facing extraordinary challenges.” Africa now faces the challenge of decoloniality of being, knowledge and power on the continent.
Decoloniality refers to the logic, metaphysics, ontology and matrix of power created by the massive processes and aftermath of colonisation and settler-colonialism. This matrix and its lasting effects and structures are called "coloniality". More plainly said, decoloniality is a way for us to re-learn the knowledge that has been pushed aside, forgotten, buried or discredited by the forces of modernity, settler-colonialism, and racial capitalism. Decoloniality is not a means to reject the scientific, medical, social and ethical “advances” of the modern era tout court. It is, rather, a way to explore colonisation, settler-colonialism, racial capitalism (particularly as it grew out, in full racialising force, with the enslavement of black Africans), modernity, and, most recently, neoliberalism and necrocapitalism and the ways in which they have displaced an array of modes of living, thinking and being in our natural world. Decoloniality reveals "the dark side of modernity" and how it is built "on the backs" of "others".
Where does Africa go from here? This paper is an attempt to shed light on this dilemma.
Why Foreign Powers Scrambled for Africa in 1884-1885
As mentioned in the introduction, the phrase “Scramble for Africa” is used by historians to refer to the expansion of European empires into the African continent during 1884 and 1885. This process of European expansion continued from 1870 right up until the First World War started to unfold in 1914. Notable countries who contributed significantly to controlling Africa were Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Portugal and Spain. After many attempts by African kings and queens to protect the continent from the invading hostile forces, the European forces finally managed to take control of most of Africa, declared themselves as the colonisers, and subsequently divided Africa among themselves.
It is worth noting that over this period, there were other major events taking place, including European interest in the Suez Canal, the Berlin Conference (1884), the First Moroccan Crisis (1905) and Second Moroccan Crisis (1911), and the European Colonisation of South Africa (1652), as well as the inhuman rule of Leopold II of Belgium in Congo. The causes for the Scramble for Africa are many, however this paper will mention only a few:
Competition among European powers
Ethnocentrism
To spread Christianity and European languages and culture.
To expand new innovation and technology in Africa in order to easily explore and exploit African resources to boost industry in Europe and the United States (US).
To increase access to manpower, to use as soldiers, in agriculture and industrialisation, which was taking place in Europe and the US at the time and required a huge amount of cheap labour.
To spread the idea of racial superiority, which came to light during the 19th century in Europe.
To promote European beliefs and Christianity as a superior religion over the African religions. The missionaries played dirty by coming to Africa as “clean” people, when in fact they were the ones who encouraged European and US government to exploit the resources they noted while exploring the continent.
The Europeans managed to overpower African forces and societies, who resisted colonisation and the exploitation of resources and manpower, with the assistance of new technologies and innovations.
The Role of Foreign Powers in Peace, Security and Development in Africa
As far as peace and security in Africa at large is concerned, world powers have a direct or indirect role to play. This is the case in this era of terrorism and violent extremism as well as renewed jostling for resources in Africa. It is evident that most of the powerful nations are once again present and active on the continent. Some scholars are even talking about a “new scramble for Africa”. This would, again, have long-term consequences for the continent’s peace, security and development.
The question is: Why are world powers interested in Africa’s military again? There are many reasons for this development, one of which is the competition for influence in Africa and, of course, there is the issue of resources. Today, many world powers – such as the US, China and Russia as well as certain European nations and economically powerful countries like Japan, India and Brazil – are currently active in Africa. In addition, there are energy-rich Gulf States seeking opportunities on the continent to consolidate their future investments.
The presence of foreign military, for example, in the Horn of Africa has grown due to the increase of terrorist activities in Africa. For instance, Djibouti has agreed to host US naval and drone bases that conduct operations in the Horn of Africa and beyond. Other powers which have established military bases include France, Italy and Japan. The French military base in Djibouti is hosting troops from Germany and Spain. Furthermore, some regional blocs such as Gulf Coordination Council members like Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates have also established military bases in Eritrea and Somaliland, while Somalia is hosting Turkish troops. The US also has an active military presence in the Horn, in the Sahel region, that are fighting against “terror” groups and the provision of military training to the governments of the region (Adam, 2018).
Noteworthy, is that since the 9/11 attacks the US has increased their activities in Africa in the fight against what is known as the “War on Terror”. This agenda is important for the US, which is why US humanitarian aid to Africa has been linked to this purpose in the past few years. Since 2007, AFRICOM, or the US Africa Command, has played a vital role in the fight against terror groups throughout the continent. Although, some of the African countries have been reported as being reluctant to host AFRICOM, as these countries are suspicious of its true agenda. They feel that the presence of AFRICOM in their territory might undermine their sovereignty. As a result, AFRICOM is still based in Germany (Adam, 2018).
Military Coups in Africa
Since the independence of the African states, there have been a number of military coups. Of the 486 attempted or successful military coups carried out globally since 1950, Africa accounts for the largest number, with 214, of which at least 106 have been successful. Based on data compiled by American researchers Jonathan M. Powell and Clayton L. Thyne, at least 45 of the 54 nations across the African continent have experienced at least a single coup attempt since 1950.
Supporters of Niger's military government take part in a demonstration in front of a French army base in Niamey, Niger [Mahamadou Hamidou/Reuters], August, 2023.
Successful Coups in Recent Years
Niger: On July 26, 2023, Niger’s Bazoum was overthrown by the military.
Burkina Faso: In January 2022, Burkina Faso’s army removed President Roch Kabore, blaming him for failing to contain violence by Islamist militants. In September of that year, there was a second coup by army Captain Ibrahim Traoré, who forcibly deposed Paul Henri-Damiba.
Guinea: In September 2021, Special Forces commander Colonel Mamady Doumbouya overthrew President Alpha Conde. A year earlier, Conde had changed the constitution to circumvent limits that would have prevented him from standing for a third term, triggering widespread rioting.
Chad: In April 2021, Chad’s army took power after President Idriss Deby was killed on the battlefield while visiting troops fighting rebels in the north.
Mali: In August 2020, a group of Malian colonels removed President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. The coup followed anti-government protests over deteriorating security, contested legislative elections and allegations of corruption. Nine months later, a countercoup happened, with Assimi Goita, who was named vice president after the first one, leading the second and becoming head of state.
Sudan: In October 2021, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan led a military takeover in Khartoum, dissolving a ruling council in which the army and civilians had shared power and throwing the country’s democratic transition into turmoil.
The Return of Russia to Africa
Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia’s relationship with African countries, especially those countries that were connected through communism to Russia, came to a standstill. However, in recent years, Russia has returned to Africa, seeing the continent as a market opportunity. In 2018, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov undertook an extensive tour of Africa, where he visited a number of countries, including Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia and Mozambique. While in Ethiopia, the Foreign Minister attended the meeting of a joint ministerial committee that was established to advance bilateral relations between the two states. He also met with the chairperson of the African Union. It must be noted that the Russian Foreign Minister visited only one country in the Horn of Africa, that is, Ethiopia. The other visits focused on Southern African countries – those which have huge natural resources such as oil, uranium, copper, gold and cobalt, to mention a few.
Some scholars argue that Russia’s main priority in Africa for now is not to revive its Soviet-era prestige and influence, but to extract necessary minerals on the continent.
Apart from investment in natural resources, Russia is also investing in security and military projects in Africa. It is the second-largest arms exporter in the world after the United States and sells billions of dollars in weapons yearly across Africa. During his visit to Africa last year, the Russian Foreign Minister signed a defense cooperation agreement with Mozambique. Due to the imposition of sanctions on Russia by the US and the European Union, the country is currently looking for a new market. Russia is looking forward to making Africa its main export centre. As of now, Russia views Africa as a major trade opportunity and hopes to expand its influence on the continent (Adam, 2018).
China Cooperation with Africa
China, the second-largest economy in the world, has become Africa’s most important and influential development and trade partner over the past two decades. In comparison to other world powers, such as some European Union member states that have colonial history in Africa, China has been a supporter of the African liberation struggle since the mid-20th century. Secondly, China’s policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations, political equality and mutual trust, promotion of win-win economic cooperation, cultural exchanges and solidarity, and cooperation in international affairs (Stremlau, 2015), make China, in the eyes of Africa, a clean partner.
Such a history has made it possible for China to expand its influence on the continent. With the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in 2000, China’s influence on the continent has clearly increased. For instance, by 2000, China-Africa trade volumes were recorded at US$10bn. By 2014, the value of contracts which were awarded to Chinese companies in Africa amounted to $75bn. By 2016, China planned to invest an additional $60bn in the region to cover major collaborative projects on areas such as industrialisation, agricultural modernisation, infrastructure, finance, green development, trade and investment, poverty reduction, public welfare and public health as well as peace and security. No world power has ever put in place such a huge investment plan like China has in Africa.
Despite this good news for Africa, China’s investment in Africa has been harshly criticised by competitors and others such as the US. For instance, Peter Navarro, from the US National Trade Council, accused China of “locking down strategic natural resources, locking up emerging markets and locking out the United States”. Others criticised China for pursuing a “new form of colonialism” and “massive resource grab” in Africa. Furthermore, Chinese programmes have an adverse impact on the environment (Adam, 2018).
Can we speak of a “New Cold War in Africa”?
As a result of the growing economic and military interest in the Horn of Africa, and African continent in general, and the increasing tensions between world powers – like China on one hand and the United States on the other – some scholars such as Mehari Taddele Maru projected that this “will be detrimental to African prosperity and peace” (Maru, 2019).
In 2019, the United States conducted the 12th US-Africa Business Summit in Mozambique’s capital, Maputo. The high-level occasion was attended by eleven African heads of state and government as well as by 1,000 business community leaders. During the three-day occasion, US government representatives disclosed a $60bn investment plan to invest in low- and middle-income countries, especially in Africa. This declaration was made six months after John Bolton, then the US National Security Advisor, presented the Trump administration’s “New Africa Strategy”. The document stated: “Great power competitors, namely China and Russia, are rapidly expanding their financial and political influence across Africa. They are deliberately and aggressively targeting their investments in the region to gain a competitive advantage over the United States” (Maru, 2019).
The above citation foreshadows that sooner or later, Africa could be another battleground for the escalation of a trade war between superpowers. In this case, between China and the US.
Economic Competition or Economic War
China dealing with Africa has been seen by many Africans as an advantage to both sides. It is clear that China’s approach to Africa has always focused mostly on trade, with Africa becoming one of the top destinations for Chinese investment. This began in 1999, when China introduced the so-called “Go Out” policy, which encouraged private and state-owned companies to seek economic opportunities outside of China.
Since then, Chinese trade with Africa has increased 40-fold over the past two decades. For instance, in 2017 it stood at $140bn. Between 2003 and 2017, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) flows jumped by close to 60-fold to $4bn a year. FDI stocks stand at $43bn. Most of those funds were invested in infrastructure and energy development. China has significantly developed African railways. It has invested in various projects in Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Angelo as well as in Nigeria. Currently, China is building a massive hydropower plant in Angola. It has already completed the longest railway line between Ethiopia and Djibouti. The headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa and West African Regional Bloc ECOWAS in Abuja were built by China. There is no doubt then that China is contributing towards development on the continent. But, of course, not for free!
As far as the US is concerned, various members of the US administration in Washington see Africa as a continent of wars, underdevelopment and a battlefield where the world power can confront its enemies. This was the case during the Cold War, when the US confronted the Soviet Union. The US returned to the African military after 9/11 and again now to confront China. Development of real economic ties with Africa has never been at the top of the agenda for any administration in Washington.
For this reason, trade between the US and African states has decreased from $120bn in 2012 to only $50bn in 2019. US FDI flows have slumped from $9.4bn in 2009 to around $330m in 2017. For the United States to challenge China as far as investment is concerned, the US needs to do more. The $60bn investment that was presented by the US will not in any way challenge Chinese investment in the continent.
Mehari Taddele Maru had this to say on China, US and Africa Relations: “The US has repeatedly accused China of using ‘debt to hold states in Africa captive to (its) wishes and demands’ and has warned African states to avoid Chinese ‘debt diplomacy’ which is supposedly incompatible with the independence of African nations and civil society and poses ‘a significant threat to US national security interests”. Yet, Africa is only the fourth-largest recipient of Chinese FDI after Europe (mainly Germany, UK and Netherlands), America (mainly the US and Canada), and Asia. The US has also borrowed heavily from China; currently its debt to its rival stands at $1.12tn. By contrast, Africa owes China around $83bn (Maru, 2019).
It is true that high indebtedness, trade imbalances, poor quality of goods coming from China and lower standards of labour and environmental practices are challenges for Africa in relation with China. But a good number of Africans do appreciate the (unconditional) funding from China. Yes, China should work more on issues relating to the environmental impact on big projects in infrastructure and agricultural industrialisation in Africa as well as improving the quality of goods exported to Africa and the rest of the world. This would improve China’s image and help avoid criticism of China’s activities in Africa.
According to the African Development Bank, the US-China trade war is already affecting Africa. It could cause as much as a 2.5% decrease in GDP for resource-intensive African economies and a 1.9% dip for oil-exporting nations (Maru, 2019).
The Presence of Foreign Forces and its Implications for Africa
The motives for the presence of multinational forces in the Horn of Africa are varied. Some came with the aim of fighting terror groups in the Horn, while others have different motives that have yet to be spelt out to the public. Scholars have noted that the escalating tensions between the US and China could in fact end up threatening the security of the whole continent, as the two powers are militarily present in Africa. For the past 15 years or so, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (CPLA) has been engaged in a number of security missions throughout Africa. For instance, China is involved in peacekeeping operations in Sudan, South Sudan, Liberia, Mali and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In addition, China has contributed millions of dollars to the peacekeeping equipment for the African Union Mission in Somalia as well as provided financial support to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediation efforts in South Sudan. Recently, China has supported in kind, South Sudanese Cantonment sides for both the South Sudan People's Defence Forces (SSPDF) and its opposition groups, which are party to the R-RACSS, including the SPLM-IO.
In 2017, China opened its first overseas military base in Djibouti. The base hosted about 400 staff and troops, but it can accommodate about 10,000 people. The purpose of these forces is to carry out ant-piracy operations by the Chinese navy. However, it can also play a role in securing maritime routes. Some observers speculate that this base could be indirectly meant to secure Chinese interests in Africa. The question should really be, why not?
China’s military presence in Africa pales in comparison to that of the US. For example, in the past few years, US Africa Command has carried out about 36 different military operations in 13 different African nations – including Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Somalia as well as South Sudan and Tunisia. More than 7,000 troops have been deployed by the US in Africa. The US has one of the largest bases in Djibouti, which is set to be a permanent base in Africa. Apart from this base, it has about 34 other military outposts across the west, east and north of the continent. In addition, the US is supporting the Egyptian, Nigerian, Ethiopian, Malian and Nigerian armies as well as other G5 Sahel forces tasked with counterterrorism.
Observers are of the opinion that there will be no direct confrontation between the US and Chinese forces in Africa in the near future. However, their growing presence in the region is becoming a destabilising factor. The fact is that the US wants to contain the growing Chinese influence over Africa. The globe has already witnessed the fallout of the US-China competition in the strategic Red Sea region, which is an important part of the maritime routes. States in this region are not only feeling the growing US and Chinese pressure to take one side or the other but are also increasingly exposed to outside interference by different regional powers. A case in point is the development in Djibouti, when the country found itself at the centre of US-China diplomatic confrontation, as it is host to military bases of both the US and China. It was difficult for Djibouti to balance this situation (Maru, 2019).
In conclusion, the competition between world powers for resources and influence in Africa offers opportunities and challenges. It could be an advantage to the continent if African leaders present a united front on how Africa should deal with these big partners. China has shown goodwill in working with Africans in various areas of development. This needs to be exploited, including the need for China to transfer technology to Africa using local content provision. China should not leave Africa behind in the area of technology and others.
On the other hand, Africa should be proud of its contribution to the rise of China in terms of resources. It should be proud of helping to make China great again. The competition between the two superpowers – namely, China and the US – in Africa should be in good faith. The US should do more to invest in Africa and Africa should be open to the US’s advice on dealing with China. President Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti had this to say about the relationship of the US and China with Africa and in the provision of loans by China: “The reality is that no one but the Chinese offers a long-term partnership” (Maru, 2019). If the US offered the same benefits, it might have more success in winning over some African leaders.
Conclusion
Africa has a lot of potential in terms of economic development. However, this opportunity depends on peace, security and stable governance and peaceful transfers of power. The issue of limited terms for presidents on the continent is a precondition for peaceful transfer of power, security and development. If peace is achieved and kept, the African people and their friends around the world will achieve greater economic prosperity and development.
What is needed today is for Africa and its friends to work hand in hand, using common interests to ensure that peace and security returns throughout Africa and beyond such that citizens concentrate on development. Such a situation will help Africa to fight unemployment, corruption, and underdevelopment and youth migrations to Europe and other parts of the world.
An example of inhuman treatment of African people by colonial forces.
A Map of Africa in 1878 indicates far less colonial presence than the 1914 map. At the Congress of Berlin in 1884, 15 European powers divided Africa among them. By 1914, these imperial powers had fully colonised the continent, exploiting its people and resources (Facing History & Ourselves, 2016).
African valuable resources exploited by colonial invaders
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