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Copyright © 2026   prepared by the Inclusive Society Institute   PO Box 12609 Mill Street Cape Town, 8010 South Africa   235-515 NPO   All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without the permission in writing from the Global South Perspectives Network   DISCLAIMER   Views expressed in this report do not necessarily represent the views of The coordinating entities or any of their office bearers   Original transcripts of the presentations made during a meeting held on 19 January 2026 have been summarised with the use of the AI tool and then edited and amended where necessary by the rapporteur for correctness and context.   MARCH 2026   Author: Daryl Swanepoel   CONTENTS 1 The middle power concept in a changing international system 2 Geopolitical ruptures and the erosion of global norms 3 Strategic autonomy and the limits of alignment 4 Reaffirming international law and collective norms 5 Domestic politics and the foreign policy of middle powers 6 Perceptions of middle powers in a multipolar world 7 Institutional reform and the limits of structural change 8 The diplomatic role of middle powers 9 Conclusion   Cover photo: Image generated using OpenAI’s DALL·E image generation model (2026). Concept developed for the Inclusive Society Institute / Global South Perspectives Network publication.   1 THE MIDDLE POWER CONCEPT IN A CHANGING INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM   The dialogue began with what might appear to be a simple question: what exactly do we mean when we speak of “middle powers”? It is a term that has circulated in the literature of international relations for decades. Yet the more one reflects on it, the more elusive the definition becomes.   Middle powers clearly do not possess the capacity of great powers to reshape the international system or to impose outcomes unilaterally. At the same time, though, they are far from insignificant actors, in that many possess extensive diplomatic networks, credible economic weight, often also military capabilities, and a meaningful presence within international institutions. And whereas they might not be the architects of the global order, neither are they mere spectators. They occupy an intermediate position somewhere between the dominant global actors and those states whose influence remains largely regional.   What emerged quite quickly during the exchange was just how diverse this category of states really is. Countries commonly described as middle powers differ widely in geography, population size, economic structure and political influence. Some combine large territories and advanced economies with relatively small populations. Others possess vast populations and strong regional influence, but a more limited global reach. What brings together these countries into the “middle power” category, therefore, is not uniform material capability, but a shared capacity to influence international debates/activities through diplomacy, coalition-building and engagement within multilateral frameworks.   Historically, middle powers have often played a quiet but important role in sustaining the multilateral system. At different moments they have acted as intermediaries between larger powers, helping to facilitate compromise and maintain channels of international cooperation. The geopolitical and geo-economic environment in which they now operate, though, appears to be changing, and changing rapidly.   This leads to what might be described as the central challenge for middle powers in our times. They depend on a system of functioning norms for their independence, peace and prosperity. Yet they rarely possess the power to shape or enforce these norms. In a world where major powers appear increasingly willing to operate outside established norms, middle powers find themselves under growing pressure to protect and help adapt the very system on which they depend. 2 GEOPOLITICAL RUPTURES AND THE EROSION OF GLOBAL NORMS   As the conversation unfolded, attention gradually shifted to the broader international environment, in which middle powers now find themselves operating. There was a growing concern that the international system may be entering a period of deeper disruption, perhaps not collapse, but certainly a moment of unsettling, radical change. Recent developments were frequently mentioned in this regard, such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the escalation of violence in Gaza following the Hamas attack on Israel, and the latest confrontation involving Iran. Each of these crises has intensified geopolitical tensions, but more importantly, they have also exposed deep disagreements about how international law should be interpreted and applied.   What seemed to trouble many participants was not simply the occurence of large-scale conflict. The international system has always been marked by crises of one kind or another. Rather, it was the growing perception that some powerful states appear increasingly willing to reinterpret, or bypass, international norms when it suits their interests, while the rest of the states and multilateral institutions stand idly by.   Even if that may not hold fully true, or may be temporary, the perception matters. When the rules of the system appear negotiable, confidence in the system itself begins to erode. Several participants suggested that the cumulative effect of these developments may be creating what could be described as a kind of normative vacuum in international politics. In other words, if those actors with the greatest power to uphold international law appear less committed to doing so, the credibility of the international legal order inevitably comes under strain.   In such circumstances, the responsibility for defending the principles of multilateral cooperation may increasingly fall on a wider group of states. Middle powers, in particular, have a direct interest in preserving a stable and predictable international environment as, unlike great powers, they rely heavily on rules and institutions to manage global politics. Can they rise to the occasion and proactively defend the norms- and rules-based system that they depend on, even if that means that they may have to face off the greater powers that are breaking the rules?   This tension lay at the heart of much of the discussion that followed. 3 STRATEGIC AUTONOMY AND THE LIMITS OF ALIGNMENT   How do middle powers manage their relationships with larger powers and can they achieve strategic autonomy vis-à-vis those larger powers? Strategic autonomy refers to the ability of a state to pursue its national interests without becoming overly dependent on, or constrained by, more powerful actors. Not a simple thing for sure.   Economic (inter)dependence, security alliances and geographic realities often bind middle powers closely to larger partners, thereby forming relationships that can narrow their room for manoeuvre. They shape trade patterns, security arrangements and, in many cases, the assumptions that quietly guide foreign policy thinking.   One example raised during the exchange illustrated this the above point particularly well. Canada’s economic and security relationship with the United States has historically been exceptionally close. For decades that relationship provided both stability and reassurance. It allowed the country to pursue an active multilateral diplomacy while operating within a relatively predictable strategic environment.   More recently, however, political developments have prompted a reassessment of that environment. Questions have begun to emerge about the reliability of long-standing assumptions. And when such questions arise, governments naturally begin to look for ways to diversify their options. Efforts are therefore underway to broaden economic partnerships and to deepen diplomatic engagement with other regions, including Europe and Asia. The objective is not necessarily to abandon existing relationships, instead it is to reduce dependence on any single partner and create a little more strategic space.   This example fed into a broader reflection about alignment in an increasingly polarised international system. Terms such as non-alignment, selective alignment and active non-alignment surfaced repeatedly during the discussion. The terminology differed, but the underlying instinct was often the same. States need flexibility. They need the freedom to cooperate with different partners on different issues without being drawn too deeply into the rivalries of larger powers. In this sense, the language of non-alignment may simply reflect a pragmatic effort to preserve foreign-policy choice.   Yet the discussion also acknowledged a harder truth. Strategic autonomy cannot simply be declared. It must be built. And many middle powers still find themselves operating within structural constraints that make such autonomy difficult to achieve in practice. 4 REAFFIRMING INTERNATIONAL LAW AND COLLECTIVE NORMS   At a certain point the discussion returned to a question that sits quietly beneath many debates about international politics: what happens when confidence in the rules of the system begins to erode?   Several participants reflected on the growing perception that respect for international law may be weakening. If the rules governing sovereignty, the use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes are no longer widely observed, the international system begins to look very different. It becomes less predictable. And far more unstable.   Against this backdrop, an interesting idea surfaced during the exchange. Some participants suggested that middle powers might consider taking the initiative in convening a global gathering aimed at reaffirming the foundational principles of the international order.   The historical reference point for such an initiative would be the Bandung Conference of 1955. That meeting brought together newly independent states from Asia and Africa to articulate principles of peaceful coexistence, sovereignty and mutual respect. It later helped shape the emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement during the Cold War.   Of course, the circumstances today are very different. The world of the twenty-first century is not the world of decolonisation. Yet the underlying impulse behind Bandung, the collective reaffirmation of international norms, still resonates. A contemporary equivalent would therefore serve a somewhat different purpose. Rather than responding to colonial structures or Cold War divisions, such a gathering could reaffirm the legitimacy of the international legal order at a moment when its authority appears increasingly contested. It could provide an opportunity for states to restate their commitment to the principles embedded in the United Nations Charter and the broader framework of international law. Just as importantly, it could open space for dialogue among countries that still share an interest in preserving a cooperative and rules-based international order. 5 DOMESTIC POLITICS AND THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MIDDLE POWERS   At this point the conversation shifted somewhat inward. Up to now much of the discussion had focused on the external environment in which middle powers operate. But foreign policy, as several participants reminded the group, rarely exists in isolation from domestic politics.   In many cases the international behaviour of middle powers is closely shaped by developments at home, where changes in leadership, electoral pressures and shifting political coalitions can all influence how governments position themselves internationally. Thus, foreign policy priorities may change quite quickly when domestic political circumstances change.   Periods of strong engagement with multilateral institutions can therefore be followed by phases in which governments adopt a more cautious or inward-looking posture. This is not unusual; it is, in fact, often part of the natural cycle of democratic politics.   Domestic pressures can also limit the attention governments are able to devote to international initiatives, as electoral cycles, internal controversies and institutional tensions frequently draw political energy inward. When this happens, diplomatic engagement abroad can become more difficult to sustain.   Brazil was mentioned during the dialogue as a useful illustration of this dynamic: The country has long been recognised as an important advocate of multilateral cooperation and South–South partnerships. Its foreign policy trajectory, though, has also reflected changes in domestic political leadership and internal debates.   Recent efforts to reassert Brazil’s global diplomatic profile illustrate how leadership choices can reshape a country’s international engagement. However, ongoing domestic political debates continue to influence both the tone and the direction of Brazil’s foreign policy, leading to major changes depending on whether a Lula or a Bolsonaro is in power 6 PERCEPTIONS OF MIDDLE POWERS IN A MULTIPOLAR WORLD   At one stage the dialogue turned to a set of findings that provided a useful empirical lens through which to view many of the issues under discussion. Reference was made to the Körber Emerging Middle Powers Initiative, an international research project supported by the Körber Foundation. The project surveys foreign policy experts across several middle powers, in order to understand how policymakers and analysts interpret the changing dynamics of global governance.   The countries included in the survey, among them Brazil, India, South Africa and Germany, represent very different political and geopolitical contexts. Yet taken together, the findings offer an interesting window into how middle powers themselves understand their evolving position within the international system.   One observation in particular stood out: Across several of the surveyed countries there appears to be a clear preference for maintaining strategic autonomy, rather than aligning too closely with any single major power. Put simply, this means that many experts believe that these countries favour the avoidance of rigid geopolitical blocs and instead prefer pursuing partnerships that remain flexible and that can shift depending on the issue at hand. This instinct is perhaps not surprising, given that middle powers often operate in environments where rigid alignments carry real risks. Flexibility allows them to cooperate with different actors while preserving room for manoeuvre.   At the same time, the survey revealed some interesting differences in perception between parts of the Global North and the Global South. Respondents in Northern countries tended to view the global role of the United States more positively. In parts of the Global South, however, attitudes were noticeably more sceptical. The reverse was true regarding China’s role in international affairs.   These differences are important in that they remind us that the category of “middle powers” does not describe a unified geopolitical bloc. Rather, it encompasses a diverse group of states shaped by very different historical experiences, strategic environments and foreign policy priorities.   The survey also revealed a noticeable degree of pessimism regarding the prospects for global institutional reform. Support for multilateralism remains widespread among experts in the surveyed countries. Confidence that major institutions, such as the United Nations Security Council, the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank, will undergo meaningful reform in the near future, however, appears to be far more limited.   Taken together, these findings point to both the possibilities and the constraints facing middle powers in an increasingly complex, unpredictable and evolving international order. 7 INSTITUTIONAL REFORM AND THE LIMITS OF STRUCTURAL CHANGE   The conversation then turned more directly to the question of institutional reform and in particular, participants reflected on the possibility of convening a review conference under Article 109 of the United Nations Charter.   ARTICLE 109 OF THE UNITED NATIONS CHARTER: THE REVIEW CONFERENCE MECHANISM   Article 109 of the United Nations Charter provides for the convening of a General Conference of UN Member States for the purpose of reviewing the Charter.   The provisions of article 109 outline three key elements:   1 Convening of a Review Conference   A Charter Review Conference may be convened if it is approved by a two-thirds majority in the United Nations General Assembly, and supported by at least nine members of the United Nations Security Council.   At the conference itself, each UN member state participates on an equal basis, with one vote per state.   2 Adoption of proposed Charter changes   If the conference recommends alterations to the Charter, these must be adopted by a two-thirds majority of UN member states.   3 Ratification of outcomes   Any recommended Charter changes only enter into force once they are ratified according to the constitutional procedures of two-thirds of UN member states, including all five permanent members of the Security Council (each of the P5 thus has a veto in the ratification process).   In practice, this means that although a UN Charter Review Conference could be convened without the consent of the five permanent members of the Security Council, any amendments to the Charter would ultimately require the ratification by all five to come into force.    In theory, such a conference could examine the functioning of the UN and propose amendments to the Charter. In practice, however, any amendments would ultimately require ratification by the permanent members of the Security Council, thus giving those states critical influence – in effect a veto - over the outcome of the process.   This reality raises difficult questions about the practicality of pursuing major structural reforms through existing institutional mechanisms of the United Nations. Several participants in fact noted that opening the Charter to revision could even weaken certain protections, if the process were to be dominated by the interests of powerful states. For that reason, the discussion returned repeatedly to the need for caution when considering initiatives aimed at institutional redesign. 8 THE DIPLOMATIC ROLE OF MIDDLE POWERS   As the conversation moved toward its concluding stages, attention returned to a practical question: how exactly might middle powers exercise influence in an international system that is becoming increasingly fragmented?   There was broad agreement amongst the participants that middle powers still possess the ability to shape international debates, and that the challenge lies less in the existence of that potential and more in how it is exercised.   One idea that surfaced during the discussion was the possibility of closer coordination among middle powers, but this suggestion quickly prompted an important caution, when several participants warned against the temptation to organise middle powers into a formal bloc or alliance structure.   At first glance, such an arrangement might appear attractive. By acting collectively, middle powers could achieve greater leverage in international negotiations. The risk, though, is that a new grouping of middle powers might simply reproduce the same bloc politics that already complicate cooperation within the United Nations and other multilateral institutions. Put plainly, the formation of a middle-powers bloc could deepen the fragmentation it seeks to overcome and so instead, a more subtle approach to diplomacy was needed. Middle powers may need to rely less on formal alliances and more on flexible and pragmatic forms of cooperation.   Issue-based coalitions are one example of pragmatic middle power cooperation, and could help advance issues like climate action or pandemic response. Coordinated diplomatic initiatives within existing multilateral institutions are another example. In some cases, the most important role may simply be convening dialogue among states whose geopolitical positions differ. Historically, middle powers have often played precisely this kind of intermediary role, because whilst they are not themselves dominant powers, they are frequently able to maintain relationships with multiple actors at the same time. They can thus act as bridge-builders between competing geopolitical camps and facilitate conversations that might otherwise prove difficult. This form of influence is not always visible. It does not resemble traditional power politics, but it can be surprisingly important.   Middle powers may prove most effective not when they attempt to compete directly with great powers, but when they help sustain dialogue, reaffirm shared norms and build consensus around practical responses to global challenges; because their influence often operates quietly and sometimes almost invisibly. Seen from this perspective, the strength of middle powers lies less in formal institutional authority and more in what might be described as diplomatic entrepreneurship. Acting as conveners, mediators and agenda-setters, they can help set the tone and direction of international debates, even in periods of heightened geopolitical rivalry. 9 CONCLUSION   What the dialogue ultimately revealed was a picture of middle powers navigating a world that is becoming increasingly uncertain and an international system that is clearly undergoing a period of transformation. Geopolitical rivalry is intensifying, confidence in established institutions is weakening, and rules that once appeared relatively settled are now being questioned more openly.   Middle powers do not stand outside these developments, instead they are deeply affected by them. Domestic political pressures, economic dependencies and differing regional priorities all shape the extent to which these states are able to act collectively on the global stage. In practice, their room for manoeuvre is often narrower than the rhetoric of diplomacy might suggest.   But the discussion also produced a quieter, but important observation, namely that  middle powers should not be underestimated. Their influence rarely lies in the ability to impose outcomes or reshape the balance of power. Rather, it often lies in something less dramatic, but no less valuable: sustaining dialogue, reaffirming international norms and keeping open the channels of cooperation that allow the international system to function.   In this sense, the role of middle powers may be less about power in the traditional sense and more about the stewardship of the UN’s values and the rules-based order. They might not be able to determine the future of the global order on their own, but they can certainly help preserve the principles and institutions that make international cooperation possible.   In a period of geopolitical turbulence, that may prove to be a contribution of considerable significance.   - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - This report has been published by the Inclusive Society Institute on behalf of the Global South Perspectives Network Global South Perspectives Network (GSPN) is an international coalition founded in 2022 by HumanizaCom, the Foundation for Global Governance and Sustainability (FOGGS), and the Inclusive Society Institute (ISI). It brings together think tanks and experts from Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, and the Middle East to amplify Global South voices in global governance debates.   GSPN works to strengthen Southern representation in decision-making, focusing on United Nations reform and multilateralism. Through research, dialogue, and advocacy, it promotes equitable partnerships between the Global South and North.   Key initiatives include the 2023 report Global South Perspectives on Global Governance Reform, presented at a UN workshop in New York, and events such as the 2024 UN Civil Society workshop in Nairobi.   GSPN’s mission is to ensure Global South nations are equal partners in shaping global policy, fostering a fair, inclusive, and sustainable international order. Email: info@inclusivesociety.org.za Phone: +27 (0) 21 201 1589 Web: www.inclusivesociety.org.za

The Inclusive Society Institute (ISI) participated prominently in the National Planning Commission’s Social Cohesion Roundtable, held in Pretoria on 3-4 March 2026, where the Institute presented the 2025 update of the South African Social Cohesion Index (SASCI). Acknowledgement is given to Telkom, who has been supporting the SASCI project from its inception. Telkom was represented by its Group CFO, Nonkululeko Dlamini, who also delivered a speech during the session.   The roundtable brought together policymakers, academics, civil society leaders and public institutions to reflect on the state of social cohesion in South Africa and to explore strategies for strengthening national unity in the context of persistent inequality, historical legacies and contemporary political challenges.   The event formed part of the National Planning Commission’s broader work on social cohesion and nation-building and was convened under the theme “Social Cohesion: Going Back to the Fundamentals.”   A national dialogue on the foundations of cohesion   The roundtable programme reflected a deliberate effort to engage deeply with the structural drivers of cohesion in South Africa. Discussions addressed themes such as the legacies of apartheid, land and economic inequality, the role of traditional leadership, migration and citizenship debates, language and identity, and strategies to address unemployment and poverty.   Participants included a wide range of scholars, policy experts and public figures who contributed to group discussions and panel sessions examining both the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of social division in South Africa.   The discussions were structured around the idea that social cohesion cannot be reduced to notions of harmony alone, but must grapple with deeper questions of justice, redress and shared nationhood.   Presentation of the South African Social Cohesion Index   On the second day of the roundtable, the Inclusive Society Institute presented the 2025 update of the South African Social Cohesion Index, with ISI Chief Executive Officer Daryl Swanepoel delivering the keynote speech introducing the findings of the report. A detailed presentation was then made my Mari Harris, the Institute’s Polling and Data Science consultant.   The South African Social Cohesion Index is a scientifically grounded instrument developed by the Inclusive Society Institute in partnership with Constructor University in Bremen, Germany, and represents one of the most comprehensive attempts to measure social cohesion in an African context.   The Index measures cohesion across multiple dimensions including: trust between citizens, trust in institutions, perceptions of fairness, acceptance of diversity, solidarity and civic participation, respect for social rules and national identification.   Rather than relying on anecdotal perceptions about the state of the nation’s social fabric, the Index provides an empirical and longitudinal measurement tool that allows policymakers and researchers to track trends in social cohesion over time. Key findings: A fragile, but improving social fabric   The 2025 update of the Index provides a nuanced picture of the state of South Africa’s social cohesion. The overall national score now stands at 56 out of 100, placing South Africa within the moderate cohesion category. While this suggests that the country’s social fabric remains intact, it also highlights the continuing vulnerability of several underlying dimensions of cohesion.   Encouragingly, the data shows that social cohesion has improved for the second consecutive year, suggesting that the country may have reached the bottom of a difficult cycle and begun a gradual recovery.   At the same time, several dimensions remain fragile, particularly perceptions of fairness, acceptance of diversity and respect for social rules. These areas represent structural pressure points that require sustained policy attention.   Social cohesion as national infrastructure   In his address at the roundtable, Swanepoel emphasised that social cohesion should not be treated as a “soft” policy topic, but rather as a critical component of national stability and economic development.   Drawing on international research, he highlighted the strong relationship between cohesion and economic performance, arguing that societies characterised by trust, fairness and shared identity are better positioned to attract investment, sustain reform and manage diversity.   He noted that: “Social cohesion is the invisible infrastructure of a nation. If we strengthen it deliberately, it becomes the foundation of long-term stability and growth. If we neglect it, the costs will not remain abstract, they will be economic, institutional and social.”   Informing the National Dialogue process   The roundtable discussions and the presentation of the Social Cohesion Index form part of the National Planning Commission’s broader efforts to inform the National Dialogue process currently being prepared in South Africa.   Participants emphasised that strengthening cohesion will require coordinated action across government, business, civil society, faith communities and the media, as well as sustained efforts to address structural inequality and expand economic opportunity.   The Inclusive Society Institute remains committed to continuing its work on measuring and analysing social cohesion in South Africa and will continue to provide the South African Social Cohesion Index as an annual evidence-based tool to support public policy and national dialogue on the future of the country.

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Embracing a society that is built on social and national democratic values Public Policy Research & Analysis Democratic Education, Briefings, Seminars & Conferences Publications & Liberation Archive Portal Featured Activity The People's Voice: Public Participation and the Soul of South African Democracy Books Our Latest Activities #3/26 Open Consultation Mondays: Middle powers in a fragmenting international system Open Consultation Mondays Daryl Swanepoel & Georgios Kostakos Mar 16 Managed Fragmentation: Global power shifts, parallel governance and the cost of non-alignment Release of Occasional Paper Daryl Swanepoel Mar 11 The South Africa Social Cohesion Index: Measuring the well-being of a society - 2025 UPDATE Release of Report Inclusive Society Institute Mar 4 Up

Media Releases & Op-eds Mar 10, 2026 Op-ed: South Africa's social fabric is fragile, but it may be starting to mend by Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 17, 2026 Op-ed: AI can deepen democracy, or destroy it - The choice is ours by Tania Ajam and Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 6, 2026 Op-ed: One school building, many futures: Why South Africa needs to rethink how we expand mother-tongue education by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 22, 2026 Op-ed: Why Africa's terrorism crisis is a governance crisis first by Odile Bulten and Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 14, 2026 Op-ed: After the scroll: A reflection on South Africa's mood and the need for rational hope by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 14, 2026 Op-ed: When words wound the nation: Social media, racism and social cohesion by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 7, 2026 Op-ed: Growth, equality and the question we keep avoiding by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 7, 2026 Op-ed: Record high interest rates - A self-inflicted economic blow by Roelof Botha & Daryl Swanepoel Up Dec 15, 2025 Op-ed: The illusion of leverage: Why racial escalation never ends well by Daryl Swanepoel Up Dec 15, 2025 Op-ed: What Buys gets wrong: Equality is not totalitarianism by Daryl Swanepoel Up Dec 10, 2025 Op-ed: Toward an inclusive electoral system: Reclaiming accountability without reproducing apartheid lines by Nicola Bergsteedt Up Nov 26, 2025 Op-ed: The veto isn't going away, but it needs to be civilised by Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 24, 2025 Op-ed: Raising the Age: Why South Africa must rethink the old age grant threshold by Fanie Joubert & Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 22, 2025 Op-ed: South Africa's betrayal of its people: How our lawmakers are gutting the promise of public participation by Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 22, 2025 Op-ed: Africa’s security crossroads: Why the continent’s future hangs in the balance by Odile Bulten & Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 18, 2025 Op-ed: Living longer, paying more: Why South Africans must confront the fiscal risks of longevity by Fanie Joubert & Daryl Swanepoel Up Oct 17, 2025 Op-ed: When power refuses to evolve: Rethinking global governance by Daryl Swanepoel Up Aug 27, 2025 Press Release: Inclusive Society Institute on Malema hate speech ruling by Inclusive Society Institute Up Aug 27, 2025 Press Release: GovDem survey reveals rising distrust toward African immigrants in South Africa by Inclusive Society Institute Up Aug 22, 2025 Press Release: Inclusive Society Institute warns against inflated illegal immigration figures and unlawful vigilantism by Inclusive Society Institute Up Aug 21, 2025 Op-ed: The watchdogs of democracy: The vital role of South Africa's state institutions by Nicola Bergsteedt Up Aug 20, 2025 Op-ed: Africa's future must be funded by Africans by Odile Bulten & Daryl Swanepoel Up Aug 12, 2025 Op-ed: The National Dialogue is not about politicians talking. It is about people doing by Klaus Kotzé Up Jul 30, 2025 Op-ed: Navigating Africa's future in the face of shapeshifting global forces by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 30, 2025 Op-ed: Rebuilding trust: The imperative of the National Dialogue for South Africa's future by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 30, 2025 Op-ed: Africa, America and the East: In search of balance in a shifting world by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 25, 2025 Op-ed: Empowering small-scale fisheries for a sustainable and inclusive Blue/Oceans Economy in South Africa by Samantha Williams Up Jul 25, 2025 Op-ed: The National Dialogue: It cannot be business as usual - Social cohesion is key to South Africa's economic renewal by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 25, 2025 Op-ed: The National Dialogue: Solidarity is not just a moral ideal by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 22, 2025 Op-ed: Weaving a nation: Lessons from Singapore for South Africa's cohesion journey by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 17, 2025 Op-ed: A just global tax system - Balancing idealism and realism in the Developing World's fight for fairness by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 17, 2025 Op-ed: Rethinking leadership: A diplomatic reflection on US global primacy in a changing world by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 1, 2025 Press Release: A time for unity and collective action - Withdrawal from National Dialogue is counter-productive by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jun 22, 2025 Op-ed: Managing diversity in South Africa: Learning from the UAE experience by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jun 22, 2025 Press Release: Inclusive Society Institute CEO calls for just and inclusive global financial reform at the Think-Tank 20 (T20) Mid-Year Conference by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jun 18, 2025 Press Release: Political funding disclosure must match public support - Swanepoel by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jun 10, 2025 Op-ed: AI and social media: A double-edged sword that demands global responsibility by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jun 10, 2025 Press Release: Inclusive Society Institute welcomes World Bank Infrastructure Development Loan by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jun 6, 2025 Op-ed: Words that wound: "Kill the boer" is legal, but not wise for a fragile South Africa by Daryl Swanepoel Up May 30, 2025 Op-ed: Going for growth: Structural reforms needed for economic recovery by William Gumede Up May 21, 2025 Op-ed: G20 Human Rights Barometer: A red flag for global accountability by André Gaum & Daryl Swanepoel Up May 20, 2025 Op-ed: Going for growth: Structural reforms needed for economic recovery by William Gumede Up May 20, 2025 Op-ed: Economic resilience through strategic interventions by Jan van Heerden & Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 22, 2025 Op-ed: The Fragility of the Government of National Unity: A Critical Examination by Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 3, 2025 Press Release: South Africans express doubts about GNU's cooperation and effectiveness by Ipsos and Inclusive Society Institute Up Mar 24, 2025 Op-ed: The urgency of fair climate finance for developing nations by Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 12, 2025 Op-ed: No national dialogue if deferred by Klaus Kotzé Up Feb 12, 2025 Op-ed: Trump tariff fest threatens South African exports by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 21, 2025 Op-ed: A credo for a new South Africaness by William Gumede Up Dec 2, 2024 Op-ed: Trump threatens 100% tariffs on BRICS countries by Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 29, 2024 Op-ed: How cohesive is South African society? by Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 29, 2024 Op-ed: South Africa's Social Cohesion Crisis by Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 27, 2024 Media Release: Launch of the South African Social Cohesion Index (SASCI) at the Social Cohesion Roundtable hosted by the National Planning Commission at the Union Buildings, Pretoria, on 26 November 2024 by Inclusive Society Institute Up Oct 22, 2024 Op-ed: The Electoral Reform consultation panel call for public submissions by Daryl Swanepoel Up Oct 22, 2024 Op-ed: Strong enforcement needed to curb Human Rights abuses by André Gaum and Daryl Swanepoel Up Oct 2, 2024 Op-ed: The National Dialogue: Pathway to a people's plan for South Africa by Klause Kotzé Up Sep 12, 2024 Op-ed: Proposed Local Government: Municipal Structures Amendment Bill is flawed by Daryl Swanepoel Up Sep 12, 2024 Op-ed: Can South Africa learn from Finland's model for social cohesion by Nicola Bergsteedt and Daryl Swanepoel Up Aug 23, 2024 Op-ed: Government of National Unity met with positive response by Roelof Botha & Daryl Swanepoel Up Aug 22, 2024 Op-ed: South Africa’s national interest must be people-centred and pragmatic by Klaus Kotzé Up Jul 1, 2024 Op-ed: A new council for better global governance by Buyelwa Sonjica and Dr Klaus Kotzé Up Jul 1, 2024 Op-ed: Assessing institutional capacities to deliver in a changing world by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jun 25, 2024 Op-ed: Proposed Government of National Unity promises an exciting and inclusive future by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jun 24, 2024 Op-ed: South Africa is getting healthier? by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jun 3, 2024 Op-ed: South Africa is getting safer? by Daryl Swanepoel Up May 21, 2024 Op-ed: Voluntary Government of National Unity - an alternative to messy coalition government by Daryl Swanepoel Up May 21, 2024 Op-ed: China is an important African partner by Klaus Kotzé Up May 21, 2024 Op-ed: A constructive contribution to re-energize South Africa by Buyelwa Sonjica and Klaus Kotzé Up May 6, 2024 Op-ed: 2024 National Assembly Election: Two ballot papers - both of equal importance by Jørgen Elklit Up Apr 26, 2024 Op-ed: Developing an instrument to assess levels of social cohesion in SA by Klaus Boehnke and Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 17, 2024 Media Release: Scrapping of Gauteng e-Tolls welcomed, but defaulters still have to pay by Inclusive Society Institute Up Apr 16, 2024 Op-ed: The manifold challenges facing SA's Higher Education government policy by Dr Douglas Blackmur Up Apr 12, 2024 Op-ed: Voter registration mechanism needs to change by Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 12, 2024 Op-ed: Managing social cohesion in diverse communities by Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 3, 2024 Op-ed: Misrepresenting Polls Does Democracy A Disservice by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 25, 2024 Op-ed: UN summit of the future: On track to nowhere? by Nicola Bergsteedt and Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 11, 2024 Media Release: Mistrust in immigrants threatens social cohesion by Inclusive Society Institute Up Mar 5, 2024 Op- ed: A Critical Review of the General Intelligence Laws Amendment Bill by Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 21, 2024 Op-ed: Embracing Flexicurity: Lessons from Denmark by Nicola Bergsteedt Up Feb 9, 2024 Op-ed: Navigating the complexities of coalition politics in South African municipalities by Nondumiso Sithole Up Feb 9, 2024 Op-ed: Growth drivers coming to the fore by Roelof Botha and Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 7, 2024 Op-ed: Coalitions: Lessons from Finland by Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 1, 2024 Media Release: Intent to emigrate remains disturbingly high by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jan 23, 2024 Op-ed: Who do we listen to? The human cost of war and its global impact by Buyelwa Sonjica Up Jan 16, 2024 Op-ed: Economic pandemic: Organised crime’s stranglehold on South Africa by Daryl Swanepoel Up Dec 14 , 2023 O p-ed: Leveraging Special Economic Zones for Growth by William Gumede Up Nov 29 , 2023 Op-ed: Many ethical hurdles to overcome in managing global population growth by Motsamai Molefe Up Nov 28 , 2023 Op-ed: Turnaround of construction sector is South African economy’s bellwether by Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 20 , 2023 Op-ed: The United Nations must reform to represent the interests of the Global South by Klaus Kotzé Up Oct 18 , 2023 Op- ed: Reimagining Global Governance: A Call for Equitable and Resilient Systems by Daryl Swanepoel Up Oct 13 , 2023 Op-ed: Why Building Global Resilience Is the Best Investment We Can Make Now by Buyelwa Sonjica Up Oct 4 , 2023 Op- ed: Re-modeling the BRICS New Development Bank by William Gumede Up Sep 21 , 2023 Op- ed: Growth drivers coming to the fore by Roelof Botha & Daryl Swanepoel Up Sep 19 , 2023 Op- ed: The Progressive Realisation of Socio-economic Rights in South Africa: Albie Sachs' Pioneering Role by Nicola Jo Bergsteedt Up Aug 17 , 2023 Op-ed: Ensuring Administrative Justice for a Truly Inclusive Society by Inclusive Society Institute in collaboration with the Daily Maverick Up Jul 25 , 2023 Op-ed: The Vital Role of Participatory Democracy in Building a Just and Inclusive Society by Inclusive So ciety Institute in collaboration with the Daily Maverick Up Jul 12 , 2023 Op -ed: The global development and security initiatives: Safeguarding our global village by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 12 , 2023 Op -ed: Navigating China-Africa cooperation within a globally constrained environment by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 12 , 2023 Op -ed: New global trade and investment thinking by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jul 3 , 2023 Op -ed: Trust – the ‘glue’ that binds society together – is missing in SA by Daryl Swanepoel Up May 29 , 2023 Op-ed: Gender inequality - Men’s involvement in care: Contemplating the glass escalator by Nicole Daniels, Jodi Wishnia and Daryl Swanepoel Up May 22 , 2023 Op-ed: The personal is political: our families are blueprints for society by Jodi Wishnia and Daryl Swanepoel Up May 15 , 2023 Op-ed: Understanding gender inequality in caregiving and families by Nicole Daniels and Daryl Swanepoel Up May 9 , 2023 Me d ia Release: Intent to emigrate decreases but remains a risk Findings from the Inclusive Society Institute's GovDem Poll Up May 8 , 2023 Op-ed: Beyond Colonialism: Türkiye's Unique Approach to Africa by Daryl Swanepoel Up May 2 , 2023 Media Release: Mistrust in immigrants remains alarmingly high Findings from the Inclusive Society Institute's GovDem Poll Up Apr 25 , 2023 Med ia Release: An opposition coalition at the national level is highly unlikely Findings from the Inclusive Society Institute's GovDem Poll Up Apr 17 , 2023 Media Release: Comment on President Ramaphosa assents to the Electoral Amendment Bill by Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 13, 2023 Media Release: Writing off outstanding E-Tolls under the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 22, 2023 O p-e d: A strong democracy comes with a price tag – and it’s worth every cent by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 22, 2023 Op-e d: Social Cohesion: Getting Symbolism, Action and Rhetoric Right by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 8, 2023 M edia Release : Inclusive Society Institute calls on President Ramaphosa to consider constitutionality of Electoral Amendment Bill by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 3, 2023 Op-e d: Born free, but not fair: Solutions to tackle youth inequality and unemployment in South Africa - Considered solutions to closing the gap on youth inequality and unemployment by Beth Vale and Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 28, 2023 Op-e d: Born free, but not fair: 5 ways we can support SA’s teens to stay in school w ithout interventions along their life cycle, kids could well become the “disaffected youth” as early inequality gets compounded from birth, through school, and beyond. by Beth Vale and Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 20, 2023 Op-e d: Born free, but not fair: Setting the foundation for long-term learning and earning Interventions that support childhood development in the first 1,000 days of a child’s life have the potential to radically shift South Africa’s current inequality crisis. by Michelle Flowers and Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 16, 2023 Op-e d: Multi-Member Constituency model trumps Single Seat Constituency model by Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 14, 2023 Op-ed: Born free, but not fair by Nicole Daniels and Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 8, 2023 Op-ed: Coalitions must be built on trust and generosity by Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 8, 2023 Op-ed: Born free, but not fair: Understanding youth inequality Youth inequality accumulates over a life course, but there are critical moments where policy and programming can intervene to alleviate inequality and safeguard more just futures for young people by Beth Vale and Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 3, 2023 Op-ed: Sustainable population and possible standards of living by Anton Cartwright Up Feb 3, 2023 Op-ed: Automatic voter registration: removing the thorn in the side of SA’s democracy by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 23, 2023 Op-e d: African Philosophy and Social Justice: The inclusiveness and limitations of a continent’s political thought by Mutshidz Maraganedzha Up Jan 20, 2023 Op-e d: Rise civil society: A new year’s resolution by Klaus Kotzé Up Jan 13, 2023 Op-ed: End the Social Compact tug-of-war: Lessons from Denmark by Daryl Swanepoel Up Nov 9 , 2022 Op-Ed: Parliament persists in passing an unconstitutional Electoral Amendment bill by Inclusive Society Institute Up Nov 2 , 2022 Op-Ed: Democratising the United Nations by Inclusive Society Institute Up Oct 27 , 2022 Op-Ed: A people-driven state is required for national renewal by Inclusive Society Institute Up Oct 24 , 2022 Op-Ed: Contractionary fiscal consolidation versus expansionary stimulus implications for growth, employment and debt by Inclusive Society Institute Up Oct 16 , 2022 Op-Ed: The world is on shaky ground, with South Africa no different by Inclusive Society Institute Up Oct 12 , 2022 Op-Ed: UN Security Council Reform - A New Approach to Reconstructing the International Order by Inclusive Society Institute Up Oct 06 , 2022 Op-Ed: The need for an evidence-based response to addressing Xenophobia in SA. The importance of addressing the real drivers of Xenophobia and Xenophobic vilolence. by Inclusive Society Institute Up Sep 15, 2022 Op-Ed: SA must pull up its socks or tourism rebound may be short-lived by Inclusive Society Institute Up Sep 08, 2022 Op-Ed: Challenges and solutions for local economic development in the City of Ekurhuleni by Inclusive Society Institute Up Sep 05, 2022 Op-Ed: Climate change adaptation and resilience: An analysis of some Global and National Measures by Inclusive Society Institute Up Aug 29, 2022 Media Release: Proposals to remedy current deficiencies in the proposed NHI bill by Inclusive Society Institute Up Aug 23, 2022 Op-Ed: Grease the gears so the economic wheels can turn by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jul 27, 2022 Op-Ed: As long as we keep failing our youth, the cycle of inequality will remain unbroken by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jul 21, 2022 Media Release: Trust deficit between civil society and SAPS is flaming lawlessness in South Africa by Inclusive Society Institute Up Jul 05, 2022 Op-Ed: Challenges and opportunities to enhance social mobilisation to combat corruption by Prof Evangelos Mantzaris Up Jun 28, 2022 Op-Ed: Towards a national commitment by Dr Klaus Kotzé Up May 26, 2022 Op-Ed: Social Cohesion: Taking stock of South Africa’s socio-political strategy by Dr Klaus Kotzé Up May 26, 2022 Op-Ed: Get the basics right to reboot growth by Daryl Swanepoel Up May 11, 2022 Op-Ed: The preconditions for a South African welfare state by Dr Klaus Kotzé Up Apr 11, 2022 Op-Ed: Leveraging ideas of hope to reduce inequality in South Africa by Anja Smith, Jodi Wishnia, Carmen Christian and Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 11, 2022 Op-Ed: The Russia-Ukraine conflict: Impact on South Africa, fellow BRICS members and Africa by William Gumede Up Apr 07, 2022 Op-Ed: The establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Agency for South Africa by Daryl Swanepoel Up Apr 06, 2022 Op-Ed: Rejuvenating South Africa's economy - a labour sector perspective by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 28, 2022 Op-Ed: Efficient logistics needed to keep agri-exports on the right track by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 14, 2022 Op-Ed: Back to basics to better economy - Getting fundamentals right will reverse economic woes by Daryl Swanepoel Up Mar 10, 2022 Op-Ed: Crisis in Europe highlights critical importance of self-sufficient, secure and stable energy production by Daryl Swanepoel Up Feb 16, 2022 Social Democracy: A pathway for South Africa's development by Dr Klause Kotzé Up Feb 03, 2022 WEF Global Risks Report 2022 suggests it cannot be business as usual Up Feb 02, 2022 Preventing corruption is the key by Willie Hofmeyr Up Jan 31, 2022 South Africa investing in the ICT sector is a no-brainer by Daryl Swanepoel Up Jan 28, 2022 The effects of corruption by Prof Pregala Solosh Pillay Up Jan 17, 2022 Anti-corruption agencies need to be nurtured by Prof Andrew Spalding Up Jan 13, 2022 Different types of anti-corruption agencies by Drago Kos Up Jan 12, 2022 Construction sector: A friend in need is a friend indeed. Let the private sector help Up Dec 7, 2021 Rejuvenating South Africa's economy - a retail sector perspective Up Dec 3, 2021 Speech delivered by Vusi Khanyile, Chairperson of the Inclusive Society Institute, to the Integritasza Conference, Wellington, South Africa Up Nov 11, 2021 ISI meets Deputy Minister of Finance - Present NHI and Inequality research outcomes Up Nov 8, 2021 Op-Ed: Rejuvenating South Africa's economy - A SMME sector perspective Up Nov 8, 2021 Op-Ed: South Africa needs an urgent national security and intelligence assessment Up Nov 2, 2021 ANC support dips, but it is still best placed to win local government election Up Nov 2, 2021 Op-Ed: SA's Jekyll and Hyde economy has investors second guessing Up Sep 16, 2021 Op-Ed: Would you choose NHI as our universal health care scheme if you knew the costs twenty years from now? Up Sep 15, 2021 Op-Ed: Local government challenges: How far have we come? Up Sep 8, 2021 Op-Ed: South African courts: Are they guilty of judicial overreach or merely upholding the rule of law? Up Sep 6, 2021 Op-Ed: Assessing crime intelligence in South Africa Up Aug 27, 2021 Op-Ed: Rebuilding US-Africa relations under the Biden administration and its nexus with China Up Aug 26, 2021 Achieving wellbeing equa lity for South Africans: a dream that shouldn’t be deferred by the Inclusive Society Institute Up Aug 13, 2021 Op-Ed: Reviving factories can fire up a much-needed growth engine Up Aug 11, 2021 South Africa's developmental model: The significance of state-owned enterprises Up Jun 23, 2021 Challenging climate change: The transition to a sustainable economy Up Jun 10, 2021 No quick fixes for SA's woes but glimmer of hope on the horizon Up May 31, 2021 Restoring faith in South Africa key to rejuvenating the economy Up May 5, 2021 Survey suggests voter support for party system in SA Up Apr 8, 2021 ISI presents electoral system proposals to IEC Up Mar 16, 2021 COVID-19: Severe blow to long-term employment prospects Up Jan 28, 2021 Speech by Daryl Swanepoel, CEO, Inclusive Society Institute, South Africa: International Conference on Poverty Alleviation: China's rationale, Beijing, China Up Jan 25, 2021 Op-Ed: Slowing the population growth is vital for South Africa's economic recovery Up Dec 11, 2020 Op-Ed: The US-China-Africa nexus under a Biden administration Up Dec 11, 2020 Op-Ed: ISI Annual Lecture with Justice Albie Sachs Prosperity through inclusivity Up Aug 13, 2020 Op-Ed: South African and the 12th summit of BRICS Up Aug 12, 2020 Op-Ed: Universal Health Coverage pathways for South Africa Areas of misalignment between stakeholders on the NHI Bill require further engagement Up Aug 11, 2020 Universal Health Coverage pathways for South Africa Areas of misalignment between stakeholders on the NHI Bill require further engagement Up Aug 3, 2020 Op-Ed: COVID-19 US-China discord and its impact on Sino-South African relations Up Jul 21, 2020 LGBT+ survey findings Survey on everyday experience of the LGBT+ communicy finds inequality and discrimination still rife, and mental health potentially a crisis in the making Up Jul 14, 2020 National health insurance Bill Parliament's Portfolio Committee would be well-advised first to obtain legal clarity on constitutionality Up May 20, 2020 COVID-19 ANC members and supporters show overwhelming support for government measures and ANC leadership, but are concerned about the future of the economy Up Apr 17, 2020 COVID-19 Survey: COVID-19 and its impact on the SMME sector Up Up