AFRICA'S SECURITY IN TRANSITION: An examination of Africa's contemporary peace and stability challenges
- Odile Bulten
- 7 days ago
- 18 min read


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This report has been drafted with the assistance of ChatGpt. Original transcripts of the presentations made during a meeting held on 31 July 2025 which have been summarised with the use of the AI tool and then edited and amended where necessary by the rapporteur for correctness and context.
October 2025
Rapporteur: Odile Bulten
Editor: Daryl Swanepoel
CONTENTS
1 SETTING THE SCENE
2 RETHINKING AND REFRAMING AFRICA’S SECURITY CHALLENGES
- PRESENTED BY DR EDDY MANDIKWAZA
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Conceptualising security in Africa
2.2.1 The securitisation paradigm
2.2.2 Violent extremism and the expansion of terrorism
2.2.3 Shifting global security partnerships
2.2.4 Governance and political instability
2.2.5 Humanitarian consequences of conflict
2.2.6 Maritime insecurity and illicit trade
2.2.7 Environmental degradation and climate change
2.2.8 Demographic pressures and the youth bulge
2.2.9 Geopolitical exploitation and sovereignty
2.3 Strategic recommendations
2.4 Conclusion
3 DELIBERATIONS ON AFRICA’S SECURITY, MILITARY, AND PEACEKEEPING
3.1 Weakening of continental security and peace mechanisms
3.2 Militarisation and the retreat of multilateral peacekeeping
3.3 Civil-military dysfunction and securitisation of dissent
3.4 Foreign military influence and the commodification of security
3.5 Maritime insecurity and transnational threats
3.6 Military underdevelopment and technological disparities
3.7 Proposals for reform and strategic autonomy
3.8 Conclusion: From fragility to transformation
4 INSIGHTS FROM THE DISCUSSION
4.1 Key conclusions
4.1.1 Escalating security threats
4.1.2 Weak peacekeeping frameworks
4.1.3 External Dependence
4.1.4 Governance and political instability
4.1.5 Humanitarian crises
5 RECOMMENDATIONS AND ROADMAP
1 SETTING THE SCENE
The July 2025 session of the Africa Think-tank Dialogue (ATD) Webinar Series was convened in response to a profound shift in the global security architecture and the increasingly precarious peace and stability landscape across the African continent. While the theme of the webinar encompassed broader development challenges, this report focuses exclusively on the military, security and peacekeeping dimensions that shaped the intellectual and policy imperatives behind the dialogue.
The urgency of the session was underscored by the growing proliferation of armed conflicts across Africa, the resurgence of military coups and the complex interplay of regional instability, violent extremism and weakened peacekeeping frameworks.
In recent years, Africa has witnessed the alarming spread of violent extremist networks beyond traditional hotspots, such as the Sahel, into coastal West Africa and parts of Southern and Central Africa. Simultaneously, several peace agreements, whether brokered through multilateral platforms or bilateral deals, have either collapsed or stalled, leaving populations vulnerable to renewed violence and displacement.
Compounding these threats is a broader geopolitical recalibration in which traditional international security actors have drawn down or redirected their engagement on the continent. The retreat of such actors has exposed long-standing fragilities within African peace and security institutions, highlighting the urgency of developing sustainable, indigenous frameworks for conflict prevention, peacebuilding and military readiness. From the Democratic Republic of Congo to the Horn of Africa, there is a growing recognition that reliance on external actors is not a viable long-term strategy.
The ATD webinar provided a timely opportunity for African think-tanks to interrogate the current state of peacekeeping, security operations and strategic responses across different regional theatres. The session aimed to contribute to the development of practical, African-led solutions that move beyond reactive crisis management and toward proactive peace and security frameworks.
The dialogue also served to reframe the discourse from externally imposed security paradigms to one rooted in African political realities, institutional constraints and the aspirations of its people.
By drawing on recent case studies, including fragile peace processes in the Great Lakes region, regional instability in the Sahel and cross-border security spillovers in the Horn, the session sought to chart a more coherent path forward.
Participants were called upon to examine both the operational and normative challenges of peacebuilding, ranging from the coordination gaps among regional bodies to the strategic incoherence of security interventions on the ground.
The webinar’s objective was not merely to describe Africa’s deteriorating security environment, but to provoke critical thinking and institutional introspection about how to reverse current trajectories. In doing so, it aimed to lay the groundwork for more resilient, contextually grounded approaches to continental peace and security, approaches that prioritise local agency, regional coordination and sustainable stability.
2 RETHINKING AND REFRAMING
AFRICA’S SECURITY CHALLENGES
- PRESENTED BY DR EDDY MANDIKWAZA
2.1 Introduction
Dr Eddy Mandikwaza delivered a compelling and in-depth presentation focused on rethinking and reframing Africa’s security challenges. His address was structured to provide a rigorous interrogation of how security is conceptualised and operationalised across the African continent.
Dr Mandikwaza emphasised that African states continue to grapple with deeply entrenched and emerging threats within a context of geopolitical shifts, institutional weaknesses and socio-economic vulnerabilities. His central thesis revolved around the dual nature of the security crisis in Africa: the persistence of existential threats such as violent extremism and political instability and the securitisation of socio-economic issues like poverty, inequality and governance grievances.
This report presents a comprehensive synthesis of Dr Mandikwaza’s insights and aims to elaborate on the underlying factors, manifestations and strategic imperatives of Africa’s contemporary security landscape.
2.2 Conceptualising security in Africa
The presentation commenced with a fundamental query: How should Africa define its security challenges? Dr Mandikwaza questioned the assumptions often taken for granted in academic and policy discourse, noting that "security" in Africa cannot be confined to conventional interpretations such as military strength or territorial sovereignty. Instead, he advocated for a multidimensional understanding of security that encompasses national, human, regional and informal dimensions.
National security involves the protection of the state against external and internal threats, while human security focuses on the well-being of individuals, ensuring access to healthcare, education, food security and personal freedoms. Regional and continental security reflect the interdependence of African states, particularly in the context of transnational threats like terrorism, piracy and illicit trade. Informal security structures, often developed in response to state failure, include community-led mechanisms to ensure local protection and conflict resolution.
2.2.1 The securitisation paradigm
Dr Mandikwaza highlighted the increasing relevance of the securitisation framework in analysing African security politics. Securitisation refers to the framing of certain issues as existential threats that require extraordinary measures, often involving military force. He emphasised that securitisation is frequently used by governments not to protect citizens, but to justify repressive actions against political opposition, civil society and marginalised communities. For instance, when citizens demand service delivery, transparency or economic justice, their concerns are often labelled as security threats.
This approach not only suppresses legitimate democratic engagement but also fuels resentment and radicalisation. In this regard, Dr Mandikwaza argued that many African states have inverted the logic of security by criminalising poverty and dissent while neglecting the systemic reforms needed to address the root causes of instability.
2.2.2 Violent extremism and the expansion of terrorism
A major concern raised in the presentation was the growing threat posed by violent extremism and terrorism. According to Dr Mandikwaza, Africa recorded the highest number of fatalities and attacks from terrorism in 2024, with the Sahel region bearing the brunt of the violence. However, the threat is no longer confined to traditionally volatile areas; it is expanding into regions like Southern Africa, which were previously considered stable.
He referenced developments in Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo as indicative of this geographic spread. These extremist groups have become more sophisticated, employing technologies such as improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and drones, tools that many African militaries are ill-equipped to counter. This technological asymmetry places additional strain on already under-resourced national defence systems.
2.2.3 Shifting global security partnerships
Compounding the threat of extremism is the strategic withdrawal of foreign security actors, most notably the United States, which has begun to shift its Africa policy away from direct intervention. Dr Mandikwaza emphasised that this withdrawal exposes the continent’s lack of self-sufficiency in defence capabilities. Without robust military industries or strategic funding, many African countries are ill-prepared to confront the evolving security landscape.
He called attention to the chronic underfunding of critical sectors, noting that while African governments face myriad security challenges, there is insufficient investment in the institutions and infrastructure necessary to respond effectively.
2.2.4 Governance and political instability
Political instability and governance deficits were identified as equally pressing issues. Between 2019 and 2023, the continent witnessed 22 coups, 18 of which were successful. This trend marks a disturbing regression from democratic governance, reinforcing authoritarian practices and undermining electoral legitimacy. Dr Mandikwaza observed that this wave of coups is often met with public support, including from civil society organisations, reflecting a broader disillusionment with democratic processes that fail to deliver substantive change.
He argued that this phenomenon demands a re-evaluation of the role of civil society in promoting accountable governance, particularly when such institutions appear to legitimise military takeovers.
2.2.5 Humanitarian consequences of conflict
The consequences of these conflicts have been profound. Dr Mandikwaza cited data indicating that over 45 million people have been forcibly displaced across 15 African countries due to armed conflict. This represents a 14% increase in displacement between 2023 and 2024 alone. Most of the displaced populations are concentrated in East, Central and West Africa, as well as parts of the Sahel.
These humanitarian crises are unfolding at a time when global aid is in decline, further compounding the vulnerability of affected populations. Basic needs such as food, shelter, education and healthcare are frequently unmet, leaving millions in precarious conditions. The lack of international support also underscores the fragility of Africa’s humanitarian infrastructure and the urgent need for self-reliant mechanisms to address internal displacement.
2.2.6 Maritime insecurity and illicit trade
Maritime security was another domain of concern raised by Dr Mandikwaza. He explained that Africa’s maritime governance remains weak and underdeveloped, relying heavily on Western powers for policing and surveillance. The absence of robust maritime institutions has allowed for a proliferation of illegal fishing, piracy and smuggling. Dr Mandikwaza estimated that Africa loses approximately one billion USD annually to illegal and unregulated fishing, much of it perpetrated by European commercial fleets.
In addition to the economic toll, maritime insecurity facilitates the trafficking of arms, drugs and counterfeit goods, undermining both national security and public health.
2.2.7 Environmental degradation and climate change
Environmental crimes and climate-related risks were also discussed in detail. Illegal logging, unregulated mining and toxic waste dumping continue to deplete Africa’s natural resources and exacerbate ecological degradation. At the same time, climate change is rendering land less arable and contributing to resource-based conflicts.
In the Sahel, for example, rising temperatures and desertification are prompting mass migration, creating further pressure on already strained state resources. The consequences of climate change are not limited to agriculture but extend to humanitarian emergencies, including floods, droughts and the spread of disease.
Dr Mandikwaza warned that Africa’s failure to prepare for these eventualities would only deepen the continent’s security and development crises.
2.2.8 Demographic pressures and the youth bulge
He also discussed the demographic transformation underway in Africa. By 2050, one in every four people on the planet will be African, a sharp increase from one in eleven in the 1960s. This youth bulge presents both an opportunity and a challenge.
On one hand, a large working-age population could drive economic growth; on the other, high unemployment and inadequate education systems could fuel discontent and radicalisation. The continent’s inability to harness its demographic dividend threatens to destabilise fragile states and increase the appeal of extremist ideologies among disillusioned youth.
2.2.9 Geopolitical exploitation and sovereignty
Dr Mandikwaza was critical of the prevailing geopolitical dynamics that frame Africa’s engagement with the global community. He noted that security partnerships are increasingly transactional and extractive. Superpowers are providing military assistance not in the spirit of mutual development, but as leverage for access to strategic minerals and natural resources.
He pointed to the Democratic Republic of Congo as a case where peace agreements were negotiated on the basis of resource exchange rather than genuine conflict resolution.
Similarly, China’s growing presence on the continent was critiqued for emphasising regime protection over democratic accountability. These dynamics, he argued, reinforce neocolonial patterns and undermine African sovereignty.
2.3 Strategic recommendations
In the final section of his presentation, Dr Mandikwaza offered several recommendations.
First, African leaders must confront the reality of their governance failures. Acknowledging the internal causes of insecurity is a prerequisite for meaningful reform. He called for institutional reform aimed at democratic consolidation, transparency and the rule of law. Enhancing citizen participation and rebuilding trust between states and societies were identified as essential components of long-term stability.
Dr Mandikwaza stressed the importance of technological investment to improve service delivery and governance efficiency. He also advocated for enhanced domestic resource mobilisation to reduce reliance on foreign aid.
Anti-corruption mechanisms should be strengthened at both national and regional levels to close the accountability gap.
He underscored the need to revamp the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to ensure better coordination among the African Union, regional economic communities and mediation platforms.
Drawing on the example of the DRC-Rwanda conflict, he noted that external actors, such as Qatar and the United States have been more effective at brokering peace than African institutions, a situation he described as unacceptable.
2.4 Conclusion
In conclusion, Dr Mandikwaza emphasised the dual nature of Africa’s security dilemma: the presence of immediate threats such as violent extremism, and the longer-term implications of misgovernance, inequality and environmental degradation.
He warned against the overreliance on militarised responses and urged a shift toward holistic strategies that integrate governance, development and human security. The future of African peace and stability, he argued, depends not on external actors, but on the continent’s ability to reform from within, harness its resources and respond to the needs and aspirations of its people.
3 DELIBERATIONS ON AFRICA’S
SECURITY, MILITARY, AND
PEACEKEEPING
During the deliberation phase of the seminar, the discussion pivoted from formal presentations to a more dynamic and multi-perspective interrogation of Africa’s contemporary security dilemmas. Moving beyond theoretical frameworks, participants shared deeply contextual insights and grounded assessments of the realities on the continent, with a strong emphasis on the military fragility of African states, the declining effectiveness of peacekeeping structures and the troubling implications of shifting global security paradigms.
This chapter synthesises those deliberations with particular attention to the thematic threads of institutional weakness, geopolitical manipulation, civil-military relations and proposals for reform.
The dialogue revealed a shared understanding that Africa stands at a precarious crossroads: while it is endowed with immense resources, a youthful population and transformative potential, it is equally beset by compounding crises. These include escalating violent extremism, recurrent civil conflict, state fragility, illicit foreign interventions and a troubling erosion of both democratic norms and public trust. The security situation is no longer isolated to conflict zones but permeates broader systems of governance and state legitimacy, implicating both internal and external actors.
3.1 Weakening of continental security and peace
mechanisms
A recurring concern was the gradual degradation of Africa’s multilateral security mechanisms, notably the African Union’s Peace and Security Council and its associated peacekeeping capabilities. Several participants argued that the AU, once envisioned as a pillar for pan-African solidarity and continental peace enforcement, has struggled to effectively mediate or de-escalate contemporary conflicts. The issue is not merely one of ambition, but of capacity, coherence, and political will.
On participant offered a pointed critique of the AU’s diminishing ability to act decisively, especially in crises such as South Sudan, Sudan and the DRC. He expressed frustration that mediation in these conflicts has increasingly been outsourced to external actors like Qatar and the United States, even in cases where African regional bodies were already present and ostensibly active. The failure of mechanisms such as the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes to harmonise efforts, particularly in the DRC-Rwanda conflict, illustrated a fragmentation in Africa’s approach to conflict resolution.
This reflects not only structural weaknesses in AU architecture, but also a lack of internal unity among member states, who often pursue their own geopolitical or economic interests at the expense of coordinated continental strategies. As one participant put it: the assertion that Africa must learn to “confront the giants” together, not individually, underscored a call for unity as a foundation for more effective peacebuilding.
3.2 Militarisation and the retreat of multilateral
peacekeeping
Beyond the institutional challenges, participants expressed deep concern over the increasing reliance on military force, often externally supplied or inspired, to address fundamentally political and social problems. Dr Eddy Mandikwaza detailed how the UN Security Council, historically central to peacekeeping operations in Africa, has become increasingly dysfunctional, with missions being scaled back or terminated even as conflicts intensify. This has left a vacuum, one now being filled by bilateral security arrangements, private military contractors and transactional geopolitical deals.
He explained that many external security partnerships are now shaped not by humanitarian or peacebuilding imperatives, but by access to strategic resources, regime protection and geopolitical influence. For instance, in countries like the Central African Republic or parts of the Sahel, private military companies have become prominent actors, sometimes operating independently of or even contrary to the interests of the national population. Their presence has further complicated the landscape, reducing transparency, undermining sovereignty and creating new dependency traps.
Several speakers highlighted the importance of the Kigali Financing Decision, adopted in 2016, which aimed to increase African self-reliance in funding AU peace operations. While visionary, the implementation has been weak, hindered by both external resistance (especially from Western trading partners who oppose the associated import levies) and internal political resistance from AU member states reluctant to cede fiscal autonomy or prioritise AU dues.
3.3 Civil-military dysfunction and securitisation of
dissent
The seminar also delved deeply into the disturbing pattern of African governments responding to social and economic grievances with securitised repression, rather than dialogue or reform. Regimes, when faced with demands for transparency, accountability or economic justice, frame these calls as national security threats. This leads to violent suppression of protests, censorship of civil society and the criminalisation of dissenting political voices.
Participants raised the alarm over the narrowing civic space across much of the continent. The weakening of civil society’s ability to operate freely, often through new legislation or surveillance, was interpreted as a symptom of broader democratic regression. Future studies, it was suggested, should investigate just how constrained civil society has become and how these constraints correlate with security and conflict outcomes.
The implication of this dynamic is stark: as avenues for peaceful expression and engagement are closed off, aggrieved populations increasingly turn to violence, radicalism or migration. In this context, violent extremism is not merely a product of ideology, but a consequence of unaddressed injustice, systemic exclusion and the absence of legitimate political recourse.
3.4 Foreign military influence and the
commodification of security
An extensive portion of the discussion was dedicated to exploring the growing influence of external military powers in Africa and the commodification of security partnerships. Both Western and Eastern powers were implicated, albeit in different ways. Western countries were critiqued for their inconsistent engagement, offering aid or arms only when politically expedient and for abandoning multilateralism in favour of transactional bilateralism.
An example from Nigeria was provided, where during the early 2010s the US refused to sell military equipment for counterterrorism, citing human rights concerns. Yet later, with a change in administration, the same countries provided military aid, highlighting how strategic interests often override principled policy. In response, Nigeria and others turned to Russia and China, illustrating how Africa is increasingly navigating a geopolitical marketplace for security, one that reinforces dependency without building sustainable defence capacity.
This phenomenon was labelled as "security in exchange for resources", noting with concern how African governments are now signing security pacts that allow foreign actors access to minerals, ports and infrastructure in return for protection, whether from rebels, rival factions or even their own citizens.
3.5 Maritime insecurity and transnational threats
Maritime insecurity, often overlooked in land-centric security discussions, was also a major topic of deliberation. The continent’s vast and largely unprotected coastlines are vulnerable to illegal fishing, piracy, human trafficking, arms smuggling and environmental crimes. It was pointed out that there was a $1 billion annual loss due to illegal fishing alone, much of it perpetrated by European and Asian fleets operating with impunity in African waters.
Participants stressed that the absence of coherent maritime enforcement structures, either at national or regional levels, has allowed criminal networks and foreign exploiters to thrive. The African Union’s maritime security framework remains poorly operationalised and coordination among coastal states is weak. This undermines not only economic development, but also internal stability, as maritime insecurity contributes to food shortages, coastal poverty and increased migration.
3.6 Military underdevelopment and technological
disparities
The seminar also explored the technological and logistical inferiority of African military institutions in confronting 21st-century threats. It was emphasised that militant groups have become increasingly sophisticated, using drones, encrypted communications and advanced improvised explosive devices (IEDs), while many African militaries still lack basic surveillance or mobility equipment.
This disparity has emboldened armed non-state actors and undermined state authority in several conflict zones. Coupled with underfunding, political interference in military affairs and poor civil-military relations, this creates an environment in which state armed forces are seen not as protectors of the public, but as enforcers of regime survival.
3.7 Proposals for reform and strategic autonomy
Several concrete proposals emerged from the discussion, focusing on long-term reform and the establishment of strategic autonomy for African states in the realm of peace and security. Among the most significant proposals were:
Full implementation of the AU Peace Fund, including dedicated resources for early warning systems, mediation and rapid deployment forces;
Investment in indigenous defence industries to reduce dependency on foreign arms suppliers;
Electoral reform and term limits to prevent coups and political violence driven by unconstitutional power grabs;
Strengthening of civil society and civic freedoms to allow for peaceful redress of grievances;
Improved coordination among RECs and the AU to streamline conflict resolution mechanisms and avoid redundancy; and
Harnessing Africa’s natural resources not through extraction-for-security arrangements, but through value-added trade that funds public goods and security reform.
The importance of redefining security through a human-centred lens, where the goal is not merely to control populations, but to empower and protect them, was emphasised. He called for A new African security doctrine that prioritises inclusion, justice, dignity and development alongside territorial integrity was called for.
3.8 Conclusion: From fragility to transformation
The deliberations underscored a critical juncture in Africa’s history. The continent faces a matrix of interlinked threats, ranging from violent extremism and coups to maritime crime and climate-induced migration, within a global system that is increasingly inward-looking and transactional. Yet within this crisis lies an opportunity: to rethink and rebuild African security from the ground up, grounded in sovereignty, solidarity and strategic foresight.
The discussions did not downplay the severity of the challenges, but neither did they succumb to fatalism. Instead, there was a resounding call for African ownership, of its peace, its prosperity and its narrative. Only through unity, reform and a break from dependency can Africa chart a sustainable course toward durable peace and collective security.
4 INSIGHTS FROM THE DISCUSSION
Africa’s Agenda 2063 is clear in its aspiration to have durable peace, inclusive development, security and stability, but the dominant narrative around African security often centres on terrorism, armed conflict and transnational organised crimes. Furthermore, securitisation redirects development aid to military budgets, sidelines governance reforms, curtails civil liberties, tolerates corruption, criminalises dissent and obscures developmental failures, undermining long-term peace-building and democratic institutions.
Drawing from an in-depth discussion and security data analysis, this report presents a comprehensive overview of the complexities and drivers of Africa’s security dilemmas, such as shifting geopolitics with rising Eastern influence and declining Western roles that create transactional security dynamics, weaken the rule of law and democratic consolidation. The dialogue aimed to propose a way forward and institutional responses to develop practical and African-led solutions that move beyond reactive crisis management and towards proactive peace and security frameworks.
4.1 Key conclusions
4.1.1 Escalating security threats
Africa faces a dual security crisis with persistent threats, such as violent extremism and political instability, and the securitisation of socio-economic issues, such as poverty and inequality. There are also maritime security issues, including illegal fishing and drug trafficking, which threatens food security and African economies.
4.1.2 Weak peacekeeping frameworks
It is important to note that the African Union's Peace and Security Council and its associated peacekeeping capabilities are struggling to effectively mediate or de-escalate contemporary conflicts.
4.1.3 External Dependence
The strategic withdrawal of foreign security actors, such as the US has exposed the continent’s lack of self-sufficiency in defence capabilities.
4.1.4 Governance and political instability
The continent has witnessed a disturbing regression from democratic governance, with numerous coups undermining electoral legitimacy and exacerbating insecurity.
4.1.5 Humanitarian crises
Conflicts have led to significant displacement and humanitarian crises, exacerbated by declining global aid and the impact of climate change on security is also undeniable, all of which underscores the need for Africa to strengthen its own security mechanisms.
5 RECOMMENDATIONS AND ROADMAP
Africa faces both real security threats and a securitisation dilemma, where military and suppressive responses neglect root causes, such as poverty and exclusion. Moreover, heavy-handed tactics erode democracy and civic freedoms, which necessitates holistic, people-centred strategies to address the internal and external drivers for sustainable peace. The actionable recommendations contained herein offer pragmatic steps to overcome the continent’s structural factors that is shaping its security challenges.
The proposed Roadmap calls for an integrated approach to security that aims to build a sustainable and resilient peace and security framework for Africa that is grounded in local agency, regional coordination, long-term peace-building and sustainable stability.
Institutional reform and anti-corruption mechanisms require African leaders to confront governance failures and implement institutional reforms that are aimed at democratic consolidation, transparency and the rule of law. Moreover, addressing competency and governance challenges requires acknowledging realities, ending colonial stereotypes, tackling economic failures and strengthening mechanisms at national and regional levels to counter corruption, state capture and electoral disputes.
Investment in technology is paramount as Africa faces high fatalities from terrorism, especially in the Sahel, with expanding militant groups using advanced technology, and thus the harnessing of technology leverage will foster improved service delivery and governance efficiency in confronting it.
Revamp the Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to ensure better coordination among the African Union, Regional Economic Communities, the UN Security Council for peace support operations and mediation platforms, because the strengthening of strategic partnerships with geopolitical powers will ensure Africa’s ownership over its own its security mechanisms.
A human-centred security lens must be applied to redefine security, by prioritising inclusion, justice, dignity and development.
Civil society engagement is crucial to safeguard its space and freedom to foster better state-society relationships and for them to contribute to development and security governance.
ROADMAP
1. Short-term (1-2 years):
Implement immediate institutional reforms to enhance transparency and the rule of law.
Strengthen anti-corruption mechanisms and ensure accountability at all levels.
Invest in technology to improve governance efficiency and service delivery.
2. Medium-term (3-5 years):
Revamp the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to ensure better coordination among the African Union, Regional Economic Communities, the UN Security Council and other mediation platforms.
Develop indigenous defence industries to reduce dependency on foreign arms suppliers.
Enhance domestic resource mobilisation to reduce reliance on foreign aid.
3. Longer-term (5+ years):
Foster a new African security doctrine that prioritises inclusion, justice, dignity and development alongside territorial integrity.
Strengthen civil society and civic freedoms to allow for peaceful redress of grievances.
Harness Africa’s natural resources through value-added trade that funds public goods and security reform.
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