Digitalising democracy in Africa brick-by-brick

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by Dr Maxwell Maseko

Abstract

This paper focuses on the intersection of Africa’s digital infrastructure development and digital governance. It argues that South Africa’s relative digital maturity positions the country to advance digital democracy in Africa, although domestic inequalities and differing BRICS governance models constrain this potential. Globally, cyber-optimists view digitalisation as a means of addressing worrying democratic challenges such as voter apathy, political disillusionment, violent conflict, internet shutdowns, and declining trust in political institutions. Evidence from the literature indicates that some of these challenges are present in Ethiopia and Egypt, two of Africa's newest BRICS members. This paper seeks to answer two key research questions: First, how can South Africa influence the adoption of digital democracy across Africa? Second, what are the benefits of adopting digital technology for democracy on the continent? It also considers recent concerns surrounding the ‘dark web’ and internet safety. The study adopts a qualitative approach, drawing on scholarly literature, policy documents, and secondary sources, which are analysed thematically. The findings suggest that while South Africa's democracy benefits from important civil liberties, persistent economic inequality and a widening digital divide may limit its appeal as a model for emerging African democracies. Furthermore, more developed BRICS countries employ varying approaches to digital development and governance, creating policy contradictions for African countries. Policymakers should lead the development of legislation on digitalisation to enhance internet connectivity and promote inclusivity.

Keywords: South Africa, BRICS, Digital Democracy, Africa, Elections, Internet

Introduction

The quality of democracy has deteriorated in several African states in recent times, even though there is evidence of peaceful transitions of power in key elections held in 2022 in countries such as Lesotho and Kenya (Cheeseman, 2022; Patel, 2023). Supporters of democracy have decried rising authoritarian power grabs that have led to electoral irregularities, coups, and civil conflict in Burkina Faso, Mali, Sudan, Chad, and Guinea between 2021 and 2022 (Patel, 2023). Attacks by authoritarian forces have also contributed to a decline in political rights and civil liberties in Madagascar, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria, and Gabon (Freedom House, 2024). The juxtaposition of these cases emphasises the importance of maintaining orderly democracy on the continent to avoid a vicious circle of authoritarian misrule.

This paper, therefore, argues for the adoption of digital technologies in Africa to strengthen democracy. It argues that stronger democracies, such as South Africa (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2023), may play a leading role in promoting digital democracy for various reasons, to be discussed later in this paper. According to Mokgalapa (2023), if pursued properly, BRICS participation could position African countries among the world’s fastest-growing economies, simultaneously addressing pressing domestic issues of poverty, unemployment, and inequality. The expansion of digital technologies in these countries can also benefit from this partnership, as the sections below will explain.

This paper does not suggest that a democratic system of governance is the only valid form of government. However, its inclusive nature and ability to allow citizens to freely participate in their governance make this form of governance appealing to many governments. South Africa’s ability to influence the digitisation of democracy in Africa is also being discussed in the context of the potential of BRICS members to change global politics, given that they comprise over 40% of the world's population (Pinto, 2023). According to O'Neill (2024), BRICS countries were estimated to have a combined population of 3.25 billion people in 2023, with most of them either living in China or India.

The paper will answer two key research questions: Firstly, how can South Africa influence the adoption of digital democracy in Africa? Secondly, what are the benefits of adopting digital technology for democracy on the continent? These questions are critical considering the optimistic argument about the ability of digital technologies to strengthen democracy and promote citizen participation in key planning and decision-making processes. In presenting its optimistic views about digital democracy, this paper does not lose sight of digital challenges and threats to democracy raised by Cheeseman et al. (2021) such as censorship, surveillance, the spread of fake news, and exposure to election rigging. The study results are relevant for scholars, researchers, policymakers, and other stakeholders interested in promoting good democratic practices. Africa's digital connectivity can boost economic growth by increasing GDP, creating jobs, and developing new industries (International Trade Administration, 2024). Furthermore, it enhances access to essential services like education and healthcare, promotes transparency in governance, and empowers citizens and businesses. Ultimately, better connectivity fosters social inclusion and allows the continent to engage more effectively in the global digital economy.

The rest of the paper is divided into sections, including a definition of digital democracy and a discussion on the state of democracy in Africa and how the BRICS group of countries can assist in resolving the democratic decline. The paper also discusses digital transformation in Africa, followed by the state of internet access and the digital divide, and South Africa’s experience with digital technologies, particularly in the 2024 general elections. The paper reflects on the theoretical framework grounding the study and the methodology used to collect the data and the tools of analysis. The findings and discussion of the study are presented, and a conclusion and recommendations are made, followed by a list of references and sources used in this study.

What is digital democracy?

Digital democracy refers to using digital technologies to enhance democratic processes and citizen participation (Crossland, 2024). Globally, digital technology has had a fundamental impact on democratic politics. According to Dommett (2024), technology has provided new opportunities for public debate and engagement among citizens, and the internet has made information more freely available and accessible. In the era of digital democracy, Umar et al. (2023) caution that it cannot be implemented successfully if the virtual space remains in the exclusive control of a group of elites.

State of democracy in Africa

According to Freedom House (2024), democracy is in crisis in many African countries, although there is some good in others (Van Beek, 2024). They argue that electoral irregularities, coups, and civil conflict are evident in countries such as Madagascar, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Niger, and Gabon. Furthermore, there have been reports of devastating human rights abuses in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Afrobarometer data released in 2024 shows that, on average across 39 African countries, support for democracy remains robust, with 66% of Africans saying they prefer democracy to any other system of government. However, in 30 countries surveyed consistently over the past decade, support for democracy has declined, including in South Africa (Afrobarometer, 2024). In fact, Gossel (2016) argues that South Africa has never reached an embedded democratic state where political rights are supported and protected by civil liberties. Gossel further posits that the country’s post-apartheid experience can be assessed more realistically as an ongoing oscillation between a deepening and a reversal of democratic liberties.

Van Beek (2024) argues that citizens in countries experiencing a democratic decline have complained about losing trust in corrupt and unaccountable governments and leaders. Citizens view their leaders as being unable to provide jobs, assure personal security, and offer a better quality of life for their people (Van Beek, 2024). Offering another perspective, Twongyeirwe (2024) argues that, having most recently democratised, many African nations are struggling to consolidate democracy while strengthening their political institutions.

The Economist Intelligence Unit’s 2023 Democracy Index classified democracy in both Ethiopia and Egypt as being authoritarian, which means these countries are run by outright dictatorships. Furthermore, if elections do occur, they are not free and fair. According to the Democracy Index, democracies flourish when citizens participate in public debate, elect representatives, and join political parties.

Digitalisation in BRICS 

BRICS is an acronym for the combined economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. The initiative was conceived in 2001 to foster economic cooperation and increase multilateral trade and development between member countries (Pinto, 2023). Originally, the group had four members, known as BRIC, and South Africa joined in 2010, making it BRICS (South African BRICS Think Tank, 2023). In 2024, member countries expanded to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. The latest additions mean that there are now three African countries in the BRICS economic grouping.

According to the European Parliament (2024), the introduction of new members has shone a spotlight on the group’s potential to influence global politics and, by default, the use of technology to strengthen democracy. However, the European Parliament warns that this addition of new members could also birth potential conflict, making the reaching of consensus on common political positions more difficult. As argued by Pinto (2021) earlier, one of the strongest qualities of BRICS in this regard is that the economic grouping is home to about 40% of the world’s total population, representing a population of 3.7 billion people. 

A digital partnership for BRICS was launched in 2022, known as the BRICS Digital Economy Partnership Framework, to promote cooperation in areas such as cybersecurity, data protection, and e-commerce (Ayodele & Petla, 2024). However, it does not address specific issues related to digital transformation in the politics of member countries. According to Govender (2025), collaboration between BRICS and Africa in the technology sector has the ability to reshape the continent’s digital landscape, drive economic growth and spread prosperity. However, this collaboration should reflect African cultural values and historical contexts, avoiding a replication of past mistakes.

To this end, Ayodele and Petla (2024) argued that BRICS members need a singular digital governance strategy to facilitate their digital transformation journey and promote the responsible use of digital technologies. They argue that this is critically important, as member countries are at different stages of digital development and use varying approaches to digital governance. For instance, Omarjee (2019) argues that technological advances have led Brazil and India to use digital technologies in their elections for more than a decade to strengthen the credibility of the process. However, this does not suggest that there are no risks of hacking and potential fraud in the system. If the technology is used correctly and for its intended purposes, it offers unprecedented opportunities for citizens to participate in their day-to-day governance, and not just on election day alone (Crossland, 2024). 

The addition of new members such as Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE in the BRICS group also has various implications for digital governance, given their differing and strong views on content regulation and data protection (Ismail, 2023; Ignatov, 2024). Old members such as China and Russia are also well-known authoritarian actors, with China’s digital censorship regime considerably more advanced and entrenched across society than in Russia (Andrzejewski et al., 2023). These scholars argue that China and Russia use legislation to censor digital content, with China targeting digital content directly and software censorship through its Great Firewall. From an African perspective, it has already been stated in this paper that Ethiopia and Egypt are also contributors to internet shutdowns and violent conflicts, and this needs to change. South Africa can significantly show these countries how they can benefit from implementing digital democracy.  

Two of the most pressing challenges that all the BRICS countries have in common are: closing the digital divide and poor digital literacy. According to Ayodele and Petla (2024), additional discourse on digital governance approaches, particularly in the BRICS, centres on the issues of access, affordability, and net neutrality.

Digital transformation in Africa 

According to Van Rensburg (2012), Africa’s experiences with digital transformation are rooted in the continent’s history of colonial oppression. She argues that the early 1990s witnessed a dramatic return to multi-party democracy on the continent; however, many countries inherited democratic systems that were highly centralised, authoritarian, and self-serving. Their leaders were mostly serving political authorities, high-ranking military leaders, or elite political groups (Van Rensburg, 2012). While academics such as Van Rensburg have warned against blindly adopting Western contexts of democracy in Africa, they also acknowledge the power of the internet to foster development and transformation on the continent.

Rapid advancements in information and communication technologies (ICT) globally have provided new spaces for citizens to participate in democratic life, including giving voice to the youthful segment of the electorate (Congge et al., 2023). Responsible technology also offers new opportunities for African governments to tackle challenges such as job creation, poverty reduction, and increased financial inclusion, while also improving government services and enhancing transparency (Maseko, 2022). Today, social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter), WhatsApp, and Facebook are regularly used for debate and to mobilise citizens and organise protests (Maseko, 2024a). However, according to Roberts and Ali (2021), repressive governments deploy digital technologies to disrupt, drown out, or shut down citizen online engagement. They argue that a well-known example of this kind of behaviour includes Cambridge Analytica testing its covert voter manipulation methods in Kenya’s 2013 election. In South Africa, the consultancy firm, Bell Pottinger, coordinated a network of trolls and bots to fan the flames of racial division for political advantage (Fraser, 2017). Political parties also routinely hire private companies such as Cambridge Analytica and Bell Pottinger to profile citizens using Facebook, mobile phones, and other personal data (Sadowski, 2020).

In the old era, democracy relied on more traditional methods such as public meetings, radio, television, and newspaper platforms to relay political information to citizens (Umar et al., 2023). They argue that these methods were sometimes time-consuming and made it difficult for citizens to access information speedily. Today, platforms such as social media are being used for civic mobilisation, public debate, and the quick dissemination of political communication (Olaniran & Williams, 2020; Maseko, 2024a). Furthermore, social media platforms provide opportunities for citizens to engage with their political leaders in real-time.

The digital revolution, as Cheeseman et al. (2021) posit, raised hopes for strengthening democracy in Africa for broader access to information and resources. However, they add that despite technological progress, access and inclusion in ICT resources are still a challenge in many parts of the continent, due to poverty and infrastructural gaps. Cheaper technology alone is not sufficient to close the digital divide, and a broader set of economic, political, and legal reforms is needed for this purpose (Cheeseman et al., 2021).

Africa’s digital environment is rapidly evolving, but there is a lack of proper measures for ensuring cybersecurity (Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, 2023). They argue that an insufficient legislative framework in cybersecurity and low levels of awareness about cybersecurity have led to an increase in cyber threats. There is also a lack of effective international cooperation and information exchange between African countries, which is hindering the fight against cybercrime (Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, 2023).

Internet shutdowns in Ethiopia and Egypt

Control over the internet is essential for authoritarian regimes. Information technologies facilitate collective action and were instrumental in the diffusion of protests during the Arab Spring (Aday et al., 2013). Social media can increase public awareness of electoral fraud (Reuter & Szakonyi, 2015). Thus, it is no surprise that authoritarian regimes routinely manipulate internet access (Gohdes, 2015). Countries such as Ethiopia, for instance, have repeatedly shut down the internet since the early 2000s, and have censored online material on numerous occasions (Maseko, 2024a), preventing people from organising, mobilising, or even discussing their grievances with their leaders (Maseko, 2024a).

Internet access and the digital divide 

This section is based on the argument made by Maseko (2024a; 2024b; 2024c) and others that the internet as a platform for citizen participation and public discourse has significant potential to improve democracy in Africa. According to Galal (2024), internet penetration has risen in Africa in the last decade due to improved telecommunication infrastructure and rising mobile device adoption. The growing internet accessibility has promoted digital activities and services, such as social media, online shopping, and mobile payments (Galal, 2024; Maseko, 2024b). As of January 2024, Morocco had the highest internet penetration in Africa at approximately 91%, followed by Libya and Seychelles with 88% and 87% respectively (Galal, 2024). He adds that South Sudan, Burundi, and Central African Republic had the lowest prevalence of the internet among their population. Despite these figures, Africa still lags in integrating the internet into learning (Faturoti, 2022). 

The digital divide refers to the gap between individuals with access and skills to use technology and those without such access and skills (Faloyea & Ajayib, 2023). This gap should be closed or narrowed to ensure the success of digital democracy (Mpekoa & Van Darelle, 2016). While many people are excluded from accessing technology in Africa, researchers have found that closing the gap cannot be achieved by cheaper technology alone. The correct political, legal, and economic conditions must be in place for digital democracy to succeed (Cheeseman et al., 2021).

The South African digitalisation experience

At the start of January 2024, South Africa had over 45 million active internet users out of a population of over 60 million, mostly using mobile phones to go online (Cowling, 2024). This figure represents some of the highest numbers of internet users in Africa.

The 2022 national census results also indicate the upward trend in mobile phone ownership, with over 90% of households in the country owning a mobile phone in working order. However, a good internet connection is needed to ensure the successful implementation of digital technologies for election purposes. Results from the census further show that internet access in South Africa has been largely confined to urban areas, and most people access it in their workplaces, public libraries, universities, and internet cafes.

Evidence already exists of digital transformation in South Africa’s public sector, where citizens now use technology to apply for identity documents, file tax returns, and renew their vehicle licence disks, amongst other things (Shibambu, 2024). South Africa is also experiencing a wide adoption of mobile phones and improvements in the infrastructure for broadband internet access (Gaglio et al., 2022). South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission also uses technology to gather and disseminate information to voters, register voters, verify their addresses, check voter registration information, learn about upcoming elections, and request special votes (IEC, 2025).

According to Van Rensburg (2012), evidence of the integration of internet usage in the political culture in South Africa has shown that there is tremendous potential for other countries in southern Africa to follow suit. She argues that the internet can play a vital role in keeping the country’s public discourse alive when traditional media is under pressure from government leaders who want to limit press freedom. However, a key challenge remains in South Africa regarding the finalisation of the Draft Digital Government Policy Framework. The framework seeks to identify key determinants to effectively design and implement a strategic transition towards digital public services. It also aims to enhance state operational efficiency and embed a more digital-first approach to governance (Department of Public Service and Administration, 2024). 

However, commenting publicly on the document, the Cape Town-based research body, Research ICT Africa, made several concerning observations, including that existing digital transformation-related policies in South Africa were dated, did not make sufficient provision for the advancement in digital technology, and failed to address cybersecurity vulnerabilities for citizens (Rens & Timcke, 2024). Furthermore, the existing digital policy framework understates the severity and scope of cyber threats facing South Africa’s state institutions and economy (Rens & Timcke, 2024).

Theoretical perspective

This study draws on two theories of international relations to better understand the complex phenomenon of BRICS. Konyshev and Sergunin (2022) argue that combining the power transition theory (PTT) and the theory of global regionalism are appropriate for this analysis. Developed by AFK Organski in 1958, the power transition theory posits that a hierarchy exists within the international system. The rise of BRICS is framed as a potential shift in the global power structure, viewed as a challenge to the established world order by so-called revisionist states. Powerful countries like the US enjoy the advantages of the existing order and are categorised as status quo states. At the same time, those dissatisfied with their roles in the international system are considered revisionists. According to PTT, revisionist states advocate for radical changes in the existing order. In this context, Russia and China are seen as primary revisionist powers, while Brazil, India, and South Africa pursue more moderate revisionist ambitions (Carafano, 2015; Cheng, 2016). Additionally, PTT is recognised for being both data-driven and qualitatively intuitive (Tammen et al., 2017).

On the other hand, the theory of global regionalism examines the growing importance of regional cooperation and integration in global relations. Fredrik (2011) asserts that this theory analyses how regions form, develop, and influence global politics, moving beyond a purely state-centric view to include non-state actors such as economies, companies, and societies. Fredrik further suggests that this field of study employs theories like realism, liberalism, and constructivism to understand the driving forces behind regionalism, including national interests, economic cooperation, and shared identities. He notes that, in addition to promoting economic interests, like those seen in BRICS, regionalism can also be motivated by other factors, such as addressing collective security challenges and fostering democracy (Fredrik, 2011).

Methodology

This study adopts a qualitative document analysis design to examine discourses on digital democracy and BRICS cooperation. The approach is interpretive and exploratory, focusing on identifying themes across policy documents, academic literature, and institutional reports.

Documents were identified through a systematic keyword-based search using Google Scholar, ResearchGate, and institutional databases. Search terms included ‘digital democracy’, ‘BRICS digital governance’, ‘e-voting South Africa’, and ‘African democracy index’. Inclusion criteria required sources published between 2018 and 2024, relevance to digital governance or democracy, and credibility as peer-reviewed or institutional publications.

Selected materials included Afrobarometer reports, scholarly articles on BRICS digital partnerships, the Electoral Commission of South Africa policy discussions, the Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index, and South Africa’s Draft Digital Government Policy Framework.

Data were analysed using thematic qualitative content analysis. This involved familiarisation with texts, systematic coding of relevant content, and development of overarching themes such as digital governance innovation, electoral technology, and BRICS digital cooperation.

To enhance trustworthiness, the study employed triangulation across multiple document types and maintained reflexive awareness of interpretive bias. This approach allows for a nuanced understanding of how digital democracy is framed within both African and BRICS policy contexts. Textual analysis was employed to examine and interpret the content and its underlying meanings, aligning with the paper’s aim and research question. Both Haradhan (2018) and Weiss (1995) assert that qualitative methods are more effective when the goal of the research is to achieve coherence, depth, and density in the data.

Findings and discussion

This paper focuses on two key research questions: the influence of South Africa on digitisation in Africa and the benefits of adopting digital technology for democracy across the continent. The questions are addressed separately for clarity.

How can South Africa influence the adoption of digital democracy across Africa? 

While South Africa’s democracy is not without flaws, it is well-positioned to influence digitalisation within the BRICS grouping of nations and throughout the African continent. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit’s 2023 Democracy Index, South Africa's democracy is categorised as flawed, facing several challenges such as corruption, poor governance, high youth unemployment, and declining public trust in political institutions. However, South Africa's democratic framework offers several positive attributes that can encourage the adoption of digital democracy in Africa. Among these are the consistent holding of free and fair elections and the protection of civil liberties, including freedom of speech and association. It is important to note that merely holding elections does not always indicate a healthy democracy; for instance, some scholars argue that governments like Ukraine's in 2024 conducted elections as an act of democratic defiance against Russia's aggression.

In addition to strong internet penetration and rapid technological transformation, South Africa benefits from solid legal frameworks, evident in laws such as the Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA) and the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act (ECTA). The country is also a leader in innovative e-governance initiatives, such as the successful digitisation of social grant payments to over 6 million beneficiaries. Organisations like the IEC and various social movements are using platforms such as social media to boost youth engagement and political discourse, especially given concerns over declining youth participation in elections. With local government elections approaching in late 2026, social media is being employed to discuss municipal issues and hold government leaders accountable.

Although South Africa struggles with persistent economic inequality and a widening digital divide, digital activism is playing an active role alongside traditional governance methods, ensuring that marginalised groups are included in governance processes and political decision-making.

What are the benefits of adopting digital technology for democracy on the continent?

There are already systems in place to improve online service delivery in South Africa, such as the processing of identity documents and filing tax returns, as noted by Shibambu (2024). This indicates a strong political will and a positive mindset among government leaders to explore new technologies aimed at strengthening democracy. In contrast, authoritarian governments like those in Ethiopia and Egypt are known for frequently shutting down the internet.

The discussion becomes even more complex when considering that BRICS members China and Russia—also noted for their authoritarian practices—engage in digital censorship (Andrzejewski et al., 2023). The potential political conflicts arising from the European Union's (2024) introduction of new BRICS members cannot be overlooked. Citizens find it challenging to exercise their rights to hold officials accountable when they lack access to information. Research indicates that democracy flourishes when citizens are active in public debate, elect representatives, and participate in political parties. However, as Faturoti (2022) argues, the absence of appropriate policies to support Internet access in some African countries complicates the implementation of digital democracy.

As Govender (2025) notes, scholars, researchers, and policymakers interested in multilateralism, BRICS, and the transformation of the global order must consider the historical, geographical, political, and social contexts of the continent while assessing the impact of technology on democracy. Africa has diverse colonial histories, varying levels of democratic governance, and socio-cultural complexities that challenge the application of a singular governance strategy proposed by Ayodele and Petla (2024). Nonetheless, as BRICS expands, it introduces new dynamics for balancing political power worldwide. Van Rensburg (2012) cautions against the uncritical adoption of Western democratic models in the African context.

How does the study interpret the theoretical perspective adopted?

BRICS is based on principles of cooperation, mutual respect, and a balance of interests, rather than a strict or hierarchical balance of power, as noted by Konyshev and Sergunin (2022). It is widely recognised that BRICS countries are dissatisfied with the current global order, which is dominated by a small group of highly developed nations that impose their rules on others. These countries aim to modify the existing world order in an evolutionary manner rather than through radical means, as they view the current international relations system as unjust (Hansen & Sergunin, 2015).

Despite their differences in geographical location, economic status, production levels, and ethnic, religious, and linguistic backgrounds, the BRICS nations have managed to establish a formula for agreement and achieve global geostrategic influence. Comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, BRICS positions itself as an alternative to existing international financial and political institutions. The member countries seek to represent the interests of the Global South, attracting the attention of researchers and scholars across various fields of study, including those supporting the digitalisation of Africa’s democracy.

Conclusion

This paper examined South Africa’s potential role within BRICS in advancing digital democracy in Africa. It assessed the implications of digital technologies for strengthening democratic governance and policy processes. As digital transformation continues to evolve at a rapid pace, developing countries cannot be left behind by the rest of the world. If this happens, they risk falling behind in their economic development and exacerbating existing inequalities. On another note, by leveraging their collective expertise and resources, BRICS countries are a case study for advancing their shared interests in the digital realm for other African groupings, such as ECOWAS, whose regions face prolonged conflicts marked by military coups in countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. 

Recommendations

The following recommendations are made:

• South Africa should strengthen national cybersecurity governance through increased budget allocation, regulatory enforcement mechanisms, and institutional capacity-building to support secure digital transformation and innovation ecosystems.

• Government should invest in targeted digital skills development programmes, particularly in underserved and rural communities. This will strengthen cybersecurity resilience and improve institutional trust in digital governance systems.

• African governments should implement inclusive digital governance strategies that address structural inequalities in access, affordability, and digital literacy to reduce the digital divide.

• BRICS member states should enhance cooperation on digital governance. This can be done through structured peer-learning mechanisms and policy coordination on cross-border data governance, while respecting national sovereignty and contextual differences in digital development trajectories. 

Acknowledgements

To assist the editing process, the Grammarly AI prompt ‘Improve it’ was used.

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This report has been published by the Inclusive Society Institute

The Inclusive Society Institute (ISI) is an autonomous and independent institution that functions independently from any other entity. It is founded for the purpose of supporting and further deepening multi-party democracy. The ISI’s work is motivated by its desire to achieve non-racialism, non-sexism, social justice and cohesion, economic development and equality in South Africa, through a value system that embodies the social and national democratic principles associated with a developmental state. It recognises that a well-functioning democracy requires well-functioning political formations that are suitably equipped and capacitated. It further acknowledges that South Africa is inextricably linked to the ever transforming and interdependent global world, which necessitates international and multilateral cooperation. As such, the ISI also seeks to achieve its ideals at a global level through cooperation with like-minded parties and organs of civil society who share its basic values. In South Africa, ISI’s ideological positioning is aligned with that of the current ruling party and others in broader society with similar ideals.

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